d 


yCSB   LIBRARY 


THE  SOBER  WORLD 

By  RANDOLPH   WELLFORD    SMITH 

Author  of  "  Benighted  Mexico  "  and  "  Ideals 
of  Government ' ' 

r 

RUSSIA  has  given  up  vodka.  France 
has  prohibited  absinthe.  The 
United  States  has  amended  its  Con- 
stitution to  prohibit  the  manufacture 
md  sale  of  alcholic  beverages.  A  new 
2nd  sober  world  is  in  prospect ! 

A  sober  world  !  Not  a  world  with- 
out problems,  for  the  millennium  is  yet 
"emote;  but  a  world  cleaner  bodied 
md  clearer  minded  than  ever  before, 
md  by  so  much  the  more  fit  to  solve 
Its  age-long  problems.  A  world  with 
less  of  misery  and  more  of  charity  ;  a 
world  whose  nerves  shall  no  longer  be 
racked  by  the  cry  of  the  drunkard's 
children ;  a  world  from  which  no 
longer  need  arise  the  prayers  of 
mothers  mourning  for  their  sons  sac- 


^^. 


sample,  from  the  Table  of  Conteni 
show  you  what  ground  is  coverec 
and  in  what  manner: 


The  Brewer  in  the  War 

Berlin  en  fete  for  the  celebration  of  the  twenty-fifth  anniv( 
sary  of  the  German  Emperor's  rule  —  Andrew  Carnegi< 
arrival  with  forty-four  American  Peace  Society  messages  (ma 
of  these  societies  were  financed  largely  by  brewery  and  oth 
German  interests  in  the  United  States,  according  to  Depa: 
ment  of  Justice  records)  —  The  toast,  "  Here  is  to  the  Day 
—  The  deliberate  misleading  of  Mr.  Carnegie  —  The  incide 
of  the  Emperor's  nose  bleed  —  A  description  of  activities 
Essen  at  that  time  —  The  Naval  League  banquet  —  T 
Prussian  publicity  propaganda  —  Pan-Germanism  and  beer. 


The  Peace  and  the  Beer  Industry 

The  prominence  of  the  Peace  Society  in  America  —  T 
Pan-German  dream  —  The  arrival  in  America  of  hordes 
brewers  and  educated  Germans  —  Their  lasting  impress  up 
American  educational  methods  and  ideals  —  The  inauguratii 
of  the  first  peace  movement  during  the  Cleveland  adminisd 
tion  —  Peace  lobbyism  —  German  money  spent  by  a  worn 
lobbyist  —  The  defeat  of  the  William  C.  Whitney  navy  pi 
—  The  damage  to  America  from  the  German  brewer  —  T. 
harm  from  too  much  beer  drinking  —  The  union  between  t 
German  brewer  and  the  Irish  saloon  keeper  —  The  reaso 
for  the  German  belief  that  American  sentiment  was  entire 
pro-German  — The  steady  loss  of  German  prestige  in  Americ 
changing  into  distrust  on  the  part  of  Americans  —  The  chan 
in  the  American  from  neutrality  to  hostility. 


Thi  Sober  World,  a  •volume  of  more  than 
80,000  ivords,  sells  at  $2.00  in  the  bookstores, 
or  may  he  ordered  by  mail,  at  $2.j8,  from 
the  publishers. 


MARSHALL  JONES  COMPAN^ 

212   Summer   Street,   Boston,   Masj 


) 


JCSB   LIBRARY 


H^^ 

y^^ 


Digitized  by  tine  Internet  Arciiive 

in  2007  with  funding  from 

IVIicrosoft  Corporation 


littp://www.arcliive.org/details/americasmessagetOOunitiala 


AMERICA'S  MESSAGE 
TO  THE  RUSSIAN  PEOPLE 


ADDRESSES 

BY  THE 

MEMBERS  OF  THE  SPECIAL  DIPLOMATIC  MISSION 

OF  THE  UNITED  STATES  TO  RUSSIA 

IN  THE  YEAR  1917 


BOSTON 

MARSHALL  JONES  COMPANY 

MDCCCCXVin 


COPTBIGHT,  1018,  BT  MAB8HALL  JONES  COMPANY 


PRINTED  IN  THE  UNITED  STATES  OF  AMERICA 


CONTENTS 


PAGE 


Intboductory  Note v 

FOEEWOKD      3 

Letter  of  Mr.  Root  to  Charles  R.  Flint,  Esq 9 

Letter  of  Mr.  Root  to  Augustus  Thomas,  Esq 10 

Addresses  by  Elihu  Root: 

To  the  Council  of  Ministers,  Petrograd,  June  15,  1917  .  13 
Before  the  Russian-American  Chamber  of  Commerce, 

Petrograd,  June  21,  1917 17 

Before  the  Social  Associated  Committees  of  Moscow, 

June  22,  1917 21 

Before  the  Moscow  Duma,  June  22,  1917 23 

Before  the  War  Industries  Committee,  Moscow,  June  23, 

1917 29 

Before  the  Zemstvo  Union,  Moscow,  June  23,  1917    .    .  35 

At  the  People's  Bank,  Moscow,  June  23,  1917     ....  37 

At  the  meeting  of  the  Bourse,  Moscow,  June  23,  1917  .  39 

At  a  luncheon  at  "  Stafka,"  June  27,  1917 42 

At  a  luncheon  given  by  the  Minister  of  Foreign  Affairs, 

Petrograd,  July  4,  1917 44 

At  a  luncheon  of  the  American  Club,  Petrograd,  July  6, 

1917 48 

At  a  meeting  regarding  the  affairs  of  Poland,  Petrograd, 

July  7,  1917 54 

Before  a  body  of  Russian  soldiers,  Perm,  July  13,  1917  57 
Before   a   gathering   of   soldiers   and   citizens,  Nazu- 

vaeskaya,  July  14,  1917 59 

At  a  reception  by  the  city,  Seattle,  August  4,  1917     .    .  61 

At  a  reception  by  the  city.  New  York,  August  15,  1917  66 
Before  the  Union  League  Club,  New  York,  August  15, 

1917 73 


iv  CONTENTS 

At  a  reception  of  the  Chamber  of  Commerce  of  the  State, 
New  York  City,  August  15,  1917 84 

At  a  banquet  of  the  American  Bar  Association,  Saratoga 
Springs,  September  7,  1917      91 

Addresses  of  John  R.  Mott: 

Before  the  Russian  Orthodox  Church,  Moscow,  June  19, 

1917 105 

At  a  dinner  given  by  Mr.  Emanuel  Nobel,  Petrograd, 

June  21,  1917 112 

Addresses  of  James  Duncan: 

At  the  trade  union  convention,  Petrograd,  July  5,  1917  117 
At  Kadetsky  Corpus,  Petrograd,  June  29,  1917  ....  121 
Before  the  Union  League  Club,  New  York,  August  15, 

1917 133 

Addresses  of  Charles  Edward  Russell: 

Before  the  Council  of  Workmen's,  Soldiers',  and  Peas- 
ants' Delegates,  June  12,  1917 143 

At  a  demonstration  in  behalf  of  the  soldiers,  Pavlosk- 

Voksal,  June  30,  1917 148 

Before  the  Union  League  Club,  New  York,  August  15, 

1917 150 


INTRODUCTORY  NOTE 

The  addresses  printed  in  this  book  were  delivered  in  Russia 
and  immediately  after  returning  from  Russia,  by  members  of 
the  Special  Diplomatic  Mission  sent  by  President  Wilson  in 
May,  1917,  to  express  to  the  people  of  Russia  the  friendship 
and  sympathy  of  the  United  States. 

Many  things  have  happened  since  the  return  of  the  Special 
Mission,  and  many  friends  of  Russia  have  become  despond- 
ent because  of  the  discord  and  disorder  which  prevail  in  many 
parts  of  that  vast  country.  The  following  quotation  from 
one  of  these  addresses  may  be  useful  for  them : 

The  newspapers  are  filled  with  accounts  of  disputes,  of  political  conflict, 
but  how  is  it  possible  for  a  nation  which  began  in  the  beginning  with  no 
government  at  all,  with  no  institutions,  with  no  habits  of  thought  or  action 
adapted  to  the  exercise  of  the  powers  of  government,  how  is  it  possible  for 
them  to  avoid  disputes  and  controversies  ?  When  you  read  in  the  news- 
papers about  what  happens  in  Russia,  I  beg  you  to  remember  how  the 
people  of  Europe  looked  upon  the  condition  of  America  for  many  a  long 
year  after  the  peace  that  ended  the  American  Revolution.  How  certain 
they  were  that  the  new  experiment  in  democracy  was  a  failure.  How  they 
sneered  and  laughed  at  the  presumptuous  farmers  who  sought  to  govern 
themselves.  I  beg  you  to  remember  what  Europe  thought  of  the  condition 
in  America  in  those  long  dark  years  of  civil  war,  when  it  was  believed  that 
the  American  experiment  had  failed  at  last 

At  the  time  of  the  American  Revolution,  the  American 
colonists  had  more  experience  in  the  difficult  art  of  self- 
government  than  any  other  people  in  the  world ;  yet  it  took 
them  eleven  years  from  their  Declaration  of  Independence 
to  reach  an  established  government  under  the  constitution 
of  1787,  and  there  was  still  left  a  great  unsettled  question 
which  required  four  years  of  civil  war  to  determine.  The 
Russians  have  had  less  than  a  year,  and  they  have  had  the 


vi  mTRODUCTORY  NOTE 

distress  of  exhaustion,  the  weariness  of  a  terrible  war,  and  the 
constant  disturbance  of  a  vast  and  insidious  German  propa- 
ganda, taking  advantage  of  their  inexperience  and  frustrating 
their  steps  in  the  direction  of  rational  development.  The 
chief  factor,  however,  in  determining  the  result  must  be  the 
underlying  character  of  the  people,  and  I  think  that  every 
member  of  the  Special  Mission  is  firm  in  his  opinion  that  the 
character  of  the  Russian  people  makes  them  competent  for 
free  self-government  and  practically  certain,  after  all  their 
disputes  and  experiments,  to  establish  and  maintain  such  a 
government. 

Elihu  Root. 

Januabt  31,  1918. 


AMERICA'S  MESSAGE  TO  THE 
RUSSIAN  PEOPLE 


FOREWORD 

The  thirteen  British  colonies  of  America  which  joined  in  the  declaration 
of  independence  on  July  4,  1776,  laid  down  certain  principles  which  were 
revolutionary  then  and  now,  and  which  will  engender  revolutions  until 
they  shall  triumph,  not  merely  in  the  minds  and  hearts  of  men,  but  in  the 
form  of  government  and  in  the  practice  of  nations. 

The  last  people  to  confess  its  faith  in  the  right  to  alter  or  abolish  a  form 
of  government  which  had  become  destructive  of  the  ends  for  which  it  was 
formed,  and  to  institute  a  new  government  "as  to  them  shall  seem  most 
likely  to  effect  their  safety  and  happiness  "  is  the  Russian  people;  and 
like  the  revolutionary  statesmen  of  1776,  the  revolutionary  statesmen  of 
Russia  of  1917  have  issued  an  appeal  to  the  peoples  in  accordance  with 
"  a  decent  respect  to  the  opinions  of  mankind." 

We  do  not  know  at  present  the  history  of  the  movement  which  resulted 
in  the  abdication  of  the  Romanoffs  and  the  substitution  in  their  place  of  a 
government  "  of  the  people,  by  the  people,  and  for  the  people."  We  know 
that  the  leaders  of  thought  in  Russia  have  prayed,  have  lived,  have 
worked,  have  died  for  better  things,  and  we  who  believe  in  better  things 
know  that  they  have  not  worked  and  died  in  vain.  The  immediate  cause 
of  the  overthrow  of  the  Romanoff  dynasty  seems  to  have  been  the  issue  of 
two  ukases  suspending  the  sittings  of  the  Duma  and  the  Council  of  the 
Empire;  but  behind  these  was  the  longing  for  better  things  which  took 
advantage  of  the  condition  produced  by  the  unwisdom  of  the  Czar,  just  as 
it  would  have  taken  advantage  of  a  favorable  turn  of  affairs  at  some  future 
time. 

On  March  15, 1917,  the  Czar  abdicated  the  throne,  which  was  in  fact  no 
longer  his,  in  favor  of  his  brother,  Grand  Duke  Michael,  and  the  latter, 
either  believing  in  the  American  doctrine  of  the  consent  of  the  governed  or 
not  quite  sure  that  the  brother  could  pass  title  to  what  he  no  longer  pos- 
sessed, would  apparently  have  none  of  it  unless  the  people  would  insist  upon 
his  accepting  the  throne.  The  following  is  the  text  of  the  Czar's  abdication: 
We,  Nicholas  II,  by  the  Grace  of  God,  Emperor  of  all  the  Russias, 
Czar  of  Poland,  and  Grand  Duke  of  Finland,  etc.,  make  known  to  all 
our  faithful  subjects: 

In  the  day  of  the  great  struggle  against  a  foreign  foe,  who  has  been 
striving  for  three  years  to  enslave  our  country,  God  has  wished  to  send 
to  Russia  new  and  painful  trial.  Interior  troubles  threaten  to  have  a 
fatal  repercussion  on  the  final  outcome  of  the  war.    The  destinies  of 


4  FOREWORD 

Russia  and  the  honor  of  our  heroic  army,  the  happiness  of  the  people, 
and  all  the  future  of  our  dear  Fatherland  require  that  the  war  be 
prosecuted  at  all  cost  to  a  victorious  end.  The  cruel  enemy  is  making 
his  last  effort,  and  the  moment  is  near  when  our  valiant  army,  in  con- 
cert with  those  of  our  glorious  Allies,  will  definitely  chastise  the  foe. 

In  these  decisive  days  in  the  life  of  Russia  we  believe  our  people 
should  have  the  closest  union  and  organization  of  all  their  forces  for 
the  realization  of  speedy  victory.  For  this  reason,  in  accord  with  the 
Duma  of  the  Empire,  we  have  considered  it  desirable  to  abdicate  the 
throne  of  Russia  and  lay  aside  our  supreme  power. 

Not  wishing  to  be  separated  from  our  loved  son,  we  leave  our 
heritage  to  our  brother,  the  Grand  Duke  Michael  Alexandrovitch, 
blessing  his  advent  to  the  throne  of  Russia.  We  hand  over  the 
Government  to  our  brother  in  full  union  with  the  representatives  of 
the  nation  who  are  seated  in  the  legislative  chambers,  taking  this  step 
with  an  inviolable  oath  in  the  name  of  our  well-beloved  country. 

We  call  on  all  faithful  sons  of  the  Fatherland  to  fulfill  their  sacred 
patriotic  duty  in  this  painful  moment  of  national  trial  and  to  aid  our 
brother  and  the  representatives  of  the  nation  in  bringing  Russia  into 
the  path  of  prosperity  and  glory.    May  God  aid  Russia. 

The  following  is  the  text  of  the  Grand  Duke  Michael's  statement: 

This  heavy  responsibility  has  come  to  me  at  the  voluntary  request 
of  my  brother,  who  has  transferred  the  imperial  throne  to  me  diu-ing  a 
period  of  warfare  which  is  accompanied  with  unprecedented  popular 
disturbances. 

Moved  by  the  thought,  which  is  in  the  minds  of  the  entire  people, 
that  the  good  of  the  country  is  paramount,  I  have  adopted  the  firm 
resolution  to  accept  the  supreme  power  only  if  this  be  the  will  of  our 
great  people,  who,  by  a  plebiscite  organized  by  their  representatives 
in  a  constituent  assembly,  shall  establish  a  form  of  government  and 
new  fundamental  laws  for  the  Russian  State. 

Consequently,  invoking  the  benediction  of  our  Lord,  I  m-ge  all 
citizens  of  Russia  to  submit  to  the  Provisional  Government,  estab- 
lished upon  the  initiative  of  the  Duma  and  invested  with  full  plenary 
powers,  until  such  time,  which  will  follow  with  as  little  delay  as  pos- 
sible, as  the  Constitutent  Assembly,  on  a  basis  of  universal,  direct, 
equal,  and  secret  suffrage,  shall,  by  its  decision  as  to  the  new  form  of 
government,  express  the  will  of  the  people. 

The  following,  omitting  the  names  of  the  Cabinet,  is  the  text  of  the 
appeal  of  the  Executive  Committee,  a  charter  of  liberty  and  of  a  nation's 
hope: 


FOREWORD  5 

Citizens:  The  Executive  Committee  of  the  Duma,  with  the  aid  and 
support  of  the  garrison  of  the  capital  and  its  inhabitants,  has  suc- 
ceeded in  triumphing  over  the  obnoxious  forces  of  the  old  regime  in 
such  a  manner  that  we  are  able  to  proceed  to  a  more  stable  organiza- 
tion of  the  executive  power,  with  men  whose  past  political  activity 
assures  them  the  country's  confidence. 

[The  names  of  the  members  of  the  new  Government  are  then  given 
and  the  appeal  continues :] 

The  new  Cabinet  will  base  its  policy  on  the  following  principles: 

First  —  An  immediate  general  amnesty  for  all  political  and 
religious  offenses,  including  terrorist  acts  and  military  and  agrarian 
offenses. 

Second  —  Liberty  of  speech  and  of  the  press;  freedom  for  alliances, 
unions,  and  strikes,  with  the  extension  of  these  liberties  to  military 
oflScials  within  the  limits  admitted  by  military  requirements. 

Third  —  Abolition  of  all  social,  religious,  and  national  restrictions. 

Fourth  —  To  proceed  forthwith  to  the  preparation  and  convocation 
of  a  constitutional  assembly,  based  on  universal  suffrage,  which  will 
establish  a  governmental  regime. 

Fifth  —  The  substitution  of  the  police  by  a  national  militia,  with 
chiefs  to  be  elected  and  responsible  to  the  Government. 

Sixth  —  Communal  elections  to  be  based  on  universal  suffrage. 

Seventh  — r  The  troops  which  participated  in  the  revolutionary 
movement  will  not  be  disarmed,  but  will  remain  in  Petrograd. 

Eighth  —  While  maintaining  strict  military  discipline  for  troops 
on  active  service,  it  is  desirable  to  abrogate  for  soldiers  all  restrictions 
in  the  enjoyment  of  social  rights  accorded  other  citizens. 

The  Provisional  Government  desires  to  add  that  it  has  no  inten- 
tion to  profit  by  the  circumstances  of  the  war  to  delay  the  realization 
of  the  measures  of  reform  above  mentioned. 
On  March  22,  1917,  the  American  ambassador  to  Russia,  the  Honorable 
David  R.  Francis,  formally  recognized  the  Provisional  Government  on 
behalf  of  the  United  States,  in  the  following  language: 

I  have  the  honor  as  the  ambassador  and  representative  of  the 
Government  of  the  United  States  accredited  to  Russia,  to  state  in 
accordance  with  instructions,  that  the  Government  of  the  United 
States  has  recognized  the  new  Government  of  Russia,  and  I,  as 
ambassador  of  the  United  States,  will  be  pleased  to  continue  inter- 
course with  Russia  through  the  medium  of  the  new  Government. 
May  the  cordial  relations  existing  between  the  two  countries  continue 
to  obtain.  May  they  prove  mutually  satisfactory  and  beneficial. 
Paul  MUukoff,  the  Russian  Foreign  Minister,  replied  in  the  following 
words : 


6  FOREWORD 

Permit  me,  in  the  name  of  the  Provisional  Government,  to  answer 
the  act  of  recognition  by  the  United  States.  You  have  been  able  to 
follow  the  events  which  have  established  the  new  order  of  affairs  for 
free  Russia.  I  have  been  more  than  once  in  your  country,  and  can 
bear  witness  that  the  ideals  which  are  represented  by  the  Provisional 
Government  are  the  same  as  underlie  the  existence  of  your  own  nation. 
I  hope  that  this  great  change  which  has  come  to  Russia  will  do  much 
to  bring  us  closer  together  than  we  have  ever  been  before.  During 
the  last  few  days  I  have  received  many  congratulations  from  promi- 
nent men  in  your  country,  assuring  me  that  the  public  opinion  of  the 
United  States  is  in  sympathy  with  us.  Permit  me  to  thank  you. 
We  are  proud  to  be  first  recognized  by  a  nation  whose  ideals  we 
cherish. 
On  May  12,  1917,  the  Department  of  State  thus  announced  the  mem- 
bers of  a  Special  Diplomatic  Mission  of  the  United  States  of  America 
to  Russia: 

EiJHU  Root,  of  New  York,  Ambassador  Extraordinary. 

Chables  R.  Crane,  of  Illinois,  "( 

John  R.  Mott,  of  New  York, 

Cyrus  H.  McCormick,  of  Illinois, 

Samuel  R.  Bertron,  of  New  York, 

James  Duncan,  of  Massachusetts, 

Charles  Edward  Russell,  of  New  York,    > 

Major-General  Hugh  L.  Scott,         1  Ministers  representing  the 

Rear-Admiral  James  H.  Glennon,  J  Army  and  Navy. 
President  Wilson  himself  prepared  and  transmitted  to  the  Provisional 
Government  of  Russia  the  following  address: 

In  view  of  the  approaching  visit  of  the  American  Mission  to 
Russia  to  express  the  deep  friendship  of  the  American  people  for  the 
people  of  Russia,  and  to  discuss  the  best  and  most  practical  means  of 
cooperation  between  the  two  peoples  in  carrying  the  present  struggle 
for  the  freedom  of  all  peoples  to  a  successful  consummation,  it  seems 
opportune  and  appropriate  that  I  should  state  again,  in  the  light  of 
this  new  partnership,  the  objects  the  United  States  has  had  in  mind 
in  entering  the  war.  Those  objects  have  been  very  much  beclouded 
during  the  past  few  weeks  by  mistaken  and  misleading  statements, 
and  the  issues  at  stake  are  too  momentous,  too  tremendous,  too 
significant  for  the  whole  human  race,  to  permit  any  misinterpretations 
or  misunderstandings,  however  slight,  to  remain  uncorrected  for  a 
moment. 

The  war  has  begun  to  go  against  Germany,  and  in  their  desperate 
desire  to  escape  the  inevitable  ultimate  defeat,  those  who  are  in 
authority  in  Germany  are  using  every  possible  instrumentality,  are 


Ministers 
Plenipotentiary. 


FOREWORD  7 

making  use  even  of  the  influence  of  groups  and  parties  among  their 
own  subjects  to  whom  they  have  never  been  just  or  fair,  or  even 
tolerant,  to  promote  a  propaganda  on  both  sides  of  the  sea  which  will 
preserve  for  them  their  influence  at  home  and  their  power  abroad,  to 
he  im  doing  of  the  very  men  they  are  using. 

The  position  of  America  in  this  war  is  so  clearly  avowed  that  no 
man  can  be  excused  for  mistaking  it.  She  seeks  no  material  profit  or 
aggrandizement  of  any  kind.  She  is  fighting  for  no  advantage  or 
selfish  object  of  her  own,  but  for  the  liberation  of  peoples  everywhere 
from  the  aggressions  of  autocratic  force. 

The  ruling  classes  in  Germany  have  begun  of  late  to  profess  a  like 
liberality  and  justice  of  purpose,  but  only  to  preserve  the  power  they 
have  set  up  in  Germany  and  the  selfish  advantages  which  they  have 
wrongly  gained  for  themselves  and  their  private  projects  of  power  all 
the  way  from  Berlin  to  Bagdad  and  beyond.  Government  after 
Government  has  by  their  influence,  without  open  conquest  of  its  ter- 
ritory, been  linked  together  in  a  net  of  intrigue  directed  against 
nothing  less  than  the  peace  and  liberty  of  the  world.  The  meshes  of 
that  intrigue  must  be  broken,  but  cannot  be  broken  unless  wrongs 
already  done  are  undone;  and  adequate  measures  must  be  taken  to 
prevent  it  from  ever  again  being  rewoven  or  repaired. 

Of  course,  the  Imperial  German  Government  and  those  whom  it  is 
using  for  their  own  undoing  are  seeking  to  obtain  pledges  that  the  war 
will  end  in  the  restoration  of  the  status  quo  ante.  It  was  the  status  quo 
ante  out  of  which  this  iniquitous  war  issued  forth,  the  power  of  the 
Imperial  German  Government  within  the  Empire  and  its  widespread 
domination  and  influence  outside  of  that  Empire.  That  status  must 
be  altered  in  such  fashion  as  to  prevent  any  such  hideous  thing  from 
ever  happening  again. 

We  are  fighting  for  the  liberty,  the  self-government,  and  the 
undictated  development  of  all  peoples,  and  every  feature  of  the  settle- 
ment that  concludes  this  war  must  be  conceived  and  executed  for  that 
purpose.  Wrongs  must  first  be  righted,  and  then  adequate  safeguards 
must  be  created  to  prevent  their  being  committed  again.  We  ought 
not  to  consider  remedies  merely  because  they  have  a  pleasing  and 
sonorous  sound.  Practical  questions  can  be  settled  only  by  practical 
means.  Phrases  will  not  accomplish  the  result.  Effective  readjust- 
ments will,  and  whatever  readjustments  are  necessary  must  be 
made. 

But  they  must  follow  a  principle,  and  that  principle  is  plain.  No 
people  must  be  forced  imder  sovereignty  under  which  it  does  not  wish 
to  live.  No  territory  must  change  hands  except  for  the  purpose  of 
securing  those  who  inhabit  it  a  fair  chance  of  life  and  liberty.    No 


8  FOREWORD 

indemnities  must  be  insisted  on  except  those  that  constitute  payment 
for  manifest  wrongs  done.  No  readjustments  of  power  must  be  made 
except  such  as  will  tend  to  secure  the  future  peace  of  the  world  and  the 
future  welfare  and  happiness  of  its  peoples. 

And  then  the  free  peoples  of  the  world  must  draw  together  in  some 
conunon  covenant,  some  genuine  and  practical  cooperation,  that  will 
in  effect  combine  their  force  to  secure  peace  and  justice  in  the  dealings 
of  nations  with  one  another. 

The  brotherhood  of  mankind  must  no  longer  be  a  fair  but  empty 
phrase;  it  must  be  given  a  structure  of  force  and  reality.  The  nations 
must  realize  their  common  life  and  effect  a  workable  partnership  to 
secure  that  life  against  the  aggressions  of  autocratic  and  self-pleasing 
power. 

For  these  things  we  can  afford  to  pour  out  blood  and  treasure.    For 
these  are  the  things  we  have  always  professed  to  desire;  and  imless  we 
pour  out  blood  and  treasure  now  and  succeed,  we  may  never  be  able 
to  unite  or  show  conquering  force  again  in  the  great  cause  of  human 
liberty.    The  day  has  come  to  conquer  or  submit.    If  the  forces  of 
autocracy  can  divide  us  they  will  overcome  us ;  if  we  stand  together 
victory  is  certain  and  the  liberty  which  victory  will  secure.    We  can 
afford  then  to  be  generous,  but  we  cannot  afford  then  or  now  to  be 
weak  or  omit  any  single  guarantee  of  justice  and  security. 
On  June  13,  the  Mission  arrived  in  Petrograd.    It  left  Petrograd  on  its 
return  July  9,  sailing  from  Vladivostok  July  21,  and  during  the  interval 
between  these  dates  Mr.  Root,  Mr.  Mott,  Mr.  Duncan,  and  Mr.  Russell 
delivered  in  Russia  and  in  the  United  States  upon  their  return  the  ad- 
dresses which  are  published  in  this  little  volume.    They  embody  the  mes- 
sage carried  by  the  Special  Diplomatic  Mission  from  America  to  the 
people  of  Russia.     However  chaotic  and  discouraging  the  situation  in 
Russia  has  since  become,  we  have  a  right  to  hope  that  after  the  turmoil 
and  anarchy  which  have  followed  the  downfall  of  despotism  in  Russia 
shall  have  worked  themselves  out,  the  seed  thus  sown  will  bear  its  life- 
giving  and  consoling  fruit. 

On  April  16,  1816,  the  great  Napoleon  is  reported  by  De  las  Casas  to 
have  said,  after  referring  to  the  perilous  situation  in  which  the  continent  of 
Europe  then  was,  that  "  in  the  present  state  of  things  before  one  hundred 
years  all  Europe  may  be  all  Cossack  or  all  republican."  Let  us  hope  that, 
whether  Cossack  or  republican,  the  new  Europe  will  accept  the  principles 
of  the  Declaration  of  Independence  of  the  United  States  and  make  them 
reaUties. 

In  selecting  a  chairman  for  the  Russian  Diplomatic  Mission,  President 
Wilson  signified  the  importance  he  attached  to  it,  by  naming  Elihu  Root, 


FOREWORD  9 

who  as  Secretary  of  War,  Secretary  of  State,  and  Senator  of  the  United 
States  has  an  international  as  well  as  a  national  reputation. 

Mr.  Root's  profound  and  sympathetic  interest  in  the  Russian  revolu- 
tion had  been  evidenced,  prior  to  his  appointment,  by  letters  addressed  to 
officers  of  two  pubhc  meetings  held  in  New  York  City,  to  hearten,  en- 
courage, and  acclaim  the  patriots  who  organized  and  piloted  it.  These 
letters  appropriately  introduce  the  series  of  addresses  made  by  Mr.  Root 
while  in  Russia,  and  since  his  return: 

Letter  to  Chables  R.  Funt,  March  24,  1917 

I  regret  that  I  am  prevented  from  attending  the  meeting  to  be  held 
tomorrow  evening  by  friends  and  sympathizers  with  the  Russian 
people.  I  agree  with  your  purpose.  I  look  with  satisfaction  and  joy 
upon  the  establishment  of  free  self-government  in  Russia.  I  have 
confidence  in  the  permanence  of  the  new  popular  government,  as 
against  all  possible  reactions,  for  two  main  reasons. 

The  first  reason  is  the  admirable  self-control  which  the  leaders  of 
the  new  government  and  their  followers  as  well  have  exhibited.  That 
is  the  supreme  test  of  a  people's  capacity  for  self-government.  All 
men  worthy  the  name  are  brave.  All  men  worthy  the  name  are 
patriotic;  but  only  those  who  can  keep  their  heads  cool,  restrain  their 
passions,  and  love  justice  even  while  they  strike,  are  fit  for  popular 
self-government.  The  people  of  Russia  are  answering  nobly  to  that 
test;  and  while  they  continue  in  the  same  spirit  —  as  I  believe 
they  will  —  their  new  government  will  be  impregnable  against  all 
reactionary  movements. 

The  second  ground  for  my  confidence  is  that  this  wonderful  change 
in  Russia  marches  with  and  is  part  of  the  mighty  and  I  believe  irresis- 
tible movement  of  the  whole  world  to  substitute  democracy  for 
autocracy  in  human  government,  and  to  build  up  the  structure  of 
justice  and  liberty,  of  right  and  duty  and  service,  from  the  bottom 
instead  of  accepting  them  from  human  superiors.  No  earthly  power 
can  reverse  or  stop  that  movement.  It  may  appear  to  be  delayed  or 
hindered  here  and  there,  but  it  continually  proceeds  everywhere, 
nevertheless.  No  human  power  can  put  Russia  back  where  she  was 
but  a  few  weeks  ago.  Whatever  comes  of  good  or  ill,  the  old  order 
cannot  return.  Russia  must  go  on.  She  will  go  on,  and  the  hopes  and 
prayers  of  all  liberty -loving  people  of  America  will  go  with  her. 

Let  us  rejoice  that  this  terrible  war,  which  the  arrogant  ambition 
of  Prussian  militarism  has  forced  upon  the  world,  has  at  last  arrayed 
against  the  lingering  autocracies  of  Germany,  Austria,  and  Turkey 
the  combined  democracy  of  the  world ;  that  upon  one  side  the  spirit  of 


10  FOREWORD 

the  age  maintains  the  principles  of  human  liberty;  that  upon  the 
other  the  spirit  of  the  dark  and  cruel  past  strives  for  the  continuance 
of  absolutism.  The  issue  is  not  doubtful.  A  little  sooner  or  a  little 
later  it  is  inevitable.  The  HohenzoUerns  and  the  Hapsburgs  will  fall, 
and  the  mighty  and  imiversal  forces  of  democracy  will  prevail. 

Ah,  if  only  the  good  people  of  Germany  themselves  might  soon 
remember  and  breathe  again  the  spirit  of  their  earlier  days  —  the 
spirit  of  '48,  the  spirit  of  the  great  philosophers  and  poets  and  leaders 
who  inspired  the  patriots  of  that  time  with  a  passion  for  liberty! 

SiQcerely  yours, 

Elihu  Root. 

Letteb  to  Augustus  Thomas,  Secretary  of  the  Institute 
OF  Arts  and  Letters,  New  York,  April  17,  1917 

I  am  unfortunate  in  having  to  be  away  from  New  York  on  the  23d, 
so  that  I  shall  be  unable  to  attend  the  meeting  of  the  Institute  that 
evening  to  join  in  greeting  and  congratulation  to  the  writers  and 
artists  of  Russia  upon  the  great  achievement  to  which  they  have  con- 
tributed so  signally.  They  were  the  voice  of  Russia  during  the  long 
years  in  which  the  Russian  people  were  denied  opportunity  for  politi- 
cal expression.  Through  them  were  communicated  the  impulses  of 
sympathy  and  hope  which  made  their  people  one  with  all  their 
fellows  in  other  lands,  who  were  pressing  on  the  development  of 
democratic  self-government  and  the  extirpation  of  autocrats  and 
dynasties.  To  these  men  whose  vision  and  lofty  courage  have 
inspired  the  literature  and  art  of  modern  Russia  remains  the  task  — 
even  more  critical  and  exacting  —  of  guiding  wisely  their  new  free 
government.  The  conduct  of  that  government  has  been  admirable 
in  its  wisdom  and  self-restraint.  Yet,  there  will  be  trials.  Turbulent 
and  untrained  spirits  within,  and  sinister  and  corrupt  intrigue  from 
without,  will  encourage  dissension  and  seek  to  destroy  the  new  democ- 
racy by  creating  those  divisions  and  controversies  which  paralyze 
power.  Faint  hearts  will  be  discouraged,  and  even  the  wisest  will  be 
often  in  doubt;  but  the  power  of  democracy  will  prevail.  Russia  wUl 
not  divide  or  be  led  astray,  because  the  unity  and  stability  of  a  for- 
ward-moving purpose  will  be  hers.  She  will  not  fight  her  battle  with 
her  own  self  alone.  She  is  one  of  a  great  company  of  free  peoples  who 
are  giving  the  lie  all  over  the  world  to  the  false  dogmas  of  autocracy, 
and  are  proving  the  capacity  of  humble  men  to  rule  themselves  with 
self-control  and  justice  and  respect  for  law,  and  to  maintain  their 
freedom  with  the  power  of  union  and  subordination  of  self.  Russia 
will  not  swing  idly  in  an  eddy,  but  will  move  on  with  the  world 


FOREWORD  11 

stream,  impelled  by  that  mighty  and  irresistible  force  which  urges  on 
the  development  of  thought  in  our  time  to  the  destruction  of  all  auto- 
cratic government  and  the  creation  of  universal  democracy.  Happy 
must  be  our  brothers,  the  writers  and  artists  of  Russia,  to  have  lived 
to  see  the  light  of  this  wonderful  day,  and  to  grasp  this  opportunity 
for  service. 

I  am  sure  the  Institute  of  Arts  and  Letters  in  sending  to  them  mes- 
sages of  cheer  and  hope  will  truly  interpret  the  feeling  of  all  America. 

With  kinds  regards,  I  am, 

Always  faithfully  yours, 

Elihu  Root. 


THE  MISSION  TO  RUSSIA 

ADDRESSES  BY  ELIHU  ROOT 

ADDRESS  TO  THE  COUNCIL  OF  MINISTERS 
PETROGRAD,  JUNE  15,  1917 

On  June  15,  1917,  the  members  of  the  Special  Diplomatic  Mission  of  the  United 
States  to  the  Provisional  Government  of  Russia  were  presented  to  the  president 
and  members  of  the  Provisional  Council  of  Ministers  at  Petrograd,  by  the  ambas- 
sador of  the  United  States,  the  Honorable  David  R.  Francis,  who  said: 

Thoroughly  imbued  with  the  spirit  of  service,  these  Americans  have  cheer- 
fully responded  to  the  call  of  President  Wilson,  and  are  here  to  perform  an 
important  duty.  I  feel  it  a  great  honor  to  present  this  Special  Diplomatic 
Mission  of  the  United  States  to  the  Provisional  Government  of  Russia. 

Permit  me  to  introduce  to  the  Council  of  Ministers  the  distinguished  chair- 
man of  the  Mission,  the  Honorable  Elihu  Root,  former  Secretary  of  War, 
former  Secretary  of  State,  former  Senator  of  the  United  States,  always  a  true 
American. 
Mr.  Root  thereupon  made  the  following  address: 

THE  Mission  for  which  I  have  the  honor  to  speak  is 
charged  by  the  Government  and  the  people  of  the 
United  States  of  America  with  a  message  to  the  Govern- 
ment and  the  people  of  Russia. 

The  Mission  comes  from  a  democratic  republic.  Its  mem- 
bers are  commissioned  and  instructed  by  a  president  who 
holds  his  high  oflBce  as  chief  executive  of  more  than  one 
hundred  million  free  people,  by  virtue  of  a  popular  election 
in  which  more  than  eighteen  million  votes  were  freely  cast 
and  fairly  counted,  pursuant  to  law,  by  universal,  equal, 
direct  and  secret  suffrage. 

For  one  hundred  and  forty  years  our  people  have  been 
strugghng  with  the  hard  problems  of  self-government.  With 
many  shortcomings,  many  mistakes,  many  imperfections, 
we  have  still  maintained  order  and  respect  for  law,  individual 
freedom,  and  national  independence. 

13 


14  MISSION  TO  RUSSIA 

Under  the  security  of  our  own  laws  we  have  grown  in 
strength  and  prosperity,  but  we  value  our  freedom  more  than 
wealth.  We  love  liberty,  and  we  cherish  above  all  our  pos- 
sessions the  ideals  for  which  our  fathers  fought  and  suffered 
and  sacrificed,  that  America  might  be  free.  We  believe  in 
the  competence  and  power  of  democracy,  and  in  our  heart  of 
hearts  abides  a  faith  in  the  coming  of  a  better  world,  in  which 
the  humble  and  oppressed  in  all  lands  may  be  lifted  up  by 
freedom  to  a  heritage  of  justice  and  equal  opportunity. 

The  news  of  Russia's  new  found  freedom  brought  to 
America  universal  satisfaction  and  joy.  From  all  the  land, 
sympathy  and  hope  went  out  towards  the  new  sister  in  the 
circle  of  democracies;  and  this  Mission  is  sent  to  express  that 
feeling.  The  American  democracy  sends  to  the  democracy 
of  Russia,  greeting,  sympathy,  friendship,  brotherhood,  and 
Godspeed. 

Distant  America  knows  little  of  the  special  conditions  of 
Russian  life,  which  must  give  form  to  the  government  and  to 
the  laws  which  you  are  about  to  create.  As  we  have  devel- 
oped our  institutions  to  serve  the  needs  of  our  national  char- 
acter and  life,  so  we  assume  that  you  will  develop  your 
institutions  to  serve  the  needs  of  Russian  character  and  life. 
As  we  look  across  the  sea  we  distinguish  no  party  and  no 
class.  We  see  great  Russia  as  a  whole;  as  one  mighty  striv- 
ing and  aspiring  democracy.  We  know  the  self-control,  the 
essential  kindliness,  the  strong  common-sense,  the  courage 
and  the  noble  idealism  of  Russian  character.  We  have  faith 
in  you  all.  We  pray  for  God's  blessings  upon  you  all.  We 
believe  that  you  will  solve  your  problems;  that  you  will 
maintain  your  liberty,  and  that  our  two  great  nations  will 
march  side  by  side  in  the  triumphant  progress  of  democracy 
until  the  old  order  has  everywhere  passed  away  and  the  world 
is  free. 


ADDRESS  TO  COUNCIL  OF  MINISTERS  15 

One  fearful  danger  threatens  the  liberty  of  both  nations. 
The  armed  forces  of  military  autocracy  are  at  the  gates  of 
Russia  and  of  her  allies.  The  triumph  of  German  arms  will 
mean  the  death  of  liberty  in  Russia.  No  enemy  is  at  the  gates 
of  America,  but  America  has  come  to  realize  that  the  triumph 
of  German  arms  means  the  death  of  liberty  in  the  world; 
that  we  who  love  liberty  and  would  keep  it  must  fight  for 
it,  and  fight  now  when  the  free  democracies  of  the  world 
may  be  strong  in  union,  and  not  delay  until  they  may  be 
beaten  down  separately  in  succession. 

So  America  sends  another  message  to  Russia;  that  we  are 
going  to  fight,  and  have  already  begun  to  fight,  for  your 
freedom  equally  with  our  own,  and  we  ask  you  to  fight  for 
our  freedom  equally  with  yours.  We  would  make  your  cause 
ours,  and  our  cause  yours,  and  with  common  purpose  and  the 
mutual  helpfulness  of  firm  alliance,  make  sure  the  victory 
over  our  common  foe. 

You  will  recognize  your  own  sentiments  and  purposes  in 
the  words  of  President  Wilson  to  the  American  Congress, 
when,  on  the  second  of  April  last,  he  advised  the  declaration 
of  war  against  Germany.     He  said: 

We  are  accepting  this  challenge  of  hostile  purpose  because  we  know 
that  in  such  a  government  [the  German  Government],  following  such 
methods,  we  can  never  have  a  friend;  and  that  in  the  presence  of  its 
organized  power,  always  lying  in  wait  to  accomplish  we  know  not  what 
purpose,  there  can  be  no  assured  security  for  the  democratic  governments 
of  the  world.  We  are  now  about  to  accept  the  gage  of  battle  with  this 
natural  foe  to  liberty  and  shall,  if  necessary,  spend  the  whole  force  of  the 
nation  to  check  and  nullify  its  pretensions  and  its  power.  We  are  glad, 
now  that  we  see  the  facts  with  no  veil  of  false  pretense  about  them,  to 
fight  thus  for  the  ultimate  i)eace  of  the  world  and  for  the  liberation  of  its 
peoples,  the  German  peoples  included ;  for  the  rights  of  nations  great  and 
small  and  the  privilege  of  men  everywhere  to  choose  their  way  of  life  and 
of  obedience.  The  world  must  be  made  safe  for  democracy.  Its  peace 
must  be  planted  upon  the  tested  foundations  of  political  liberty.  We  have 
no  selfish  ends  to  serve.    We  desire  no  conquest,  no  dominion.    We  seek  no 


16  MISSION  TO  RUSSIA 

indemnities  for  ourselves,  no  material  comp>ensation  for  the  sacrifices  we 
shall  freely  make.  We  are  but  one  of  the  champions  of  the  rights  of  man- 
kind. We  shall  be  satisfied  when  those  rights  have  been  made  as  secure  as 
the  faith  and  the  freedom  of  nations  can  make  them. 

And  you  will  see  the  feeling  toward  Russia  with  which 
America  has  entered  the  great  war  in  another  clause  of  the 
same  address. 

President  Wilson  further  said: 

Does  not  every  American  feel  that  assurance  has  been  added  to  our 
hope  for  the  future  peace  of  the  world  by  the  wonderful  and  heartening 
things  that  have  been  happening  within  the  last  few  weeks  in  Russia  .'* 
Russia  was  known  by  those  who  knew  it  best  to  have  been  always  in  fact 
democratic  at  heart,  in  all  the  vital  habits  of  her  thought,  in  all  the  inti- 
mate relationships  of  her  people  that  spoke  their  natural  instinct,  their 
habitual  attitude  towards  life.  The  autocracy  that  crowned  the  svunmit 
of  her  j)olitical  structure,  long  as  it  had  stood  and  terrible  as  was  the 
reality  of  its  power,  was  not  in  fact  Russian  in  origin,  character,  or  pur- 
pose; and  now  it  has  been  shaken  off  and  the  great  generous  Russian 
people  have  been  added  in  all  their  naive  majesty  and  might  to  the  forces 
that  are  fighting  for  freedom  in  the  world,  for  justice,  and  for  peace.  Here 
is  a  fit  partner  for  a  League  of  Honor. 

That  partnership  of  honor  in  the  great  struggle  for  human 
freedom,  the  oldest  of  the  great  democracies  now  seeks  in 
fraternal  union  with  the  youngest. 

The  practical  and  specific  methods  and  possibihties  of  our 
allied  cooperation,  the  members  of  the  Mission  would  be 
glad  to  discuss  with  the  members  of  the  Government  of 
Russia. 


ADDRESS  BEFORE  THE  RUSSIAN-AMERICAN 

CHAMBER  OF  COMMERCE,  PETROGRAD 

JUNE  21,  1917 

ON  behalf  of  the  Mission  for  which  I  have  the  honor  to 
speak,  and  in  behaK  of  our  country  on  the  other  side  of 
the  world,  I  thank  you  sincerely  and  warmly  for  this  hospi- 
table and  sympathetic  reception.  It  is  very  grateful  to  us  to 
see  upon  this  list  of  speakers  the  names  of  so  many  men  dis- 
tinguished in  the  active  life  of  great  Russia.  It  is  very 
encouraging  to  us  to  see  represented  here  the  Provisional 
Government  of  Russia  and  the  officers  of  those  local  govern- 
ments, for  the  merit  and  perfection  of  which  the  Russian 
people  have  so  long  been  known  throughout  the  world,  and 
the  representatives  of  those  great  branches  of  finance  and  pro- 
duction and  associated  industries  without  which  no  modern 
civilization  can  exist. 

The  Mission  has  no  function  to  discharge  in  respect 
to  industrial  or  commercial  life.  That  was  intentionally 
excluded  from  the  scope  of  its  duty.  We  came  to  Russia  to 
bring  assurances  of  the  spiritual  brotherhood  of  the  two  great 
democracies,  and  we  came,  moreover,  to  learn  how  we  could 
best  do  our  part  as  allies  of  the  Russian  democracy  by 
material  as  well  as  spiritual  aid,  in  the  great  fight  for  the 
freedom  of  both  our  nations.  But  we  did  not  wish  that  any 
element  of  advantage  for  America,  any  project  for  profit  to 
America,  any  lower  or  more  material  motive  should  find  its 
place  in  the  message  that  we  bring  to  Russia.  Yet,  when  the 
war  is  over  and  the  world  is  by  victory  made  safe  for  democ- 
racy, then,  of  course,  as  between  brothers  who  have  fought 
together,  mutual  knowledge  and  confidence  and  friendship 
will  lead  to  all  those  relations  of  industrial  and  commercial 

17 


18  MISSION  TO  RUSSIA 

life  which  make  up  the  peaceful  activities  of  the  civilized 
world. 

It  was  not  easy,  my  friends,  for  America  to  make  up  its 
mind  to  enter  the  war.  America  is  a  peaceful  people.  We 
love  peace  and  we  hate  war.  Far  away  from  the  conflict 
across  the  ocean,  it  took  us  long  to  realize  the  true  meaning 
of  this  great  war  in  which  you  have  been  fighting,  and  it  was 
not  until  we  had  slowly,  step  by  step,  reached  the  firm  con- 
clusion that  our  Hberty  was  in  danger  with  the  liberty  of  the 
rest  of  the  world,  that  we  nerved  ourselves  to  enter  the 
conflict. 

We  came  to  see  that  Germany  had  foresworn  and  repudi- 
ated every  principle  of  modern  civilization.  We  came  to  see 
that  all  those  rules  for  the  conduct  of  war  which  for  centuries 
civilized  men  have  been  formulating  and  agreeing  upon  to 
make  war  less  terrible,  every  one  of  them  was  violated 
intentionally  and  systematically  by  Germany.  We  came  to 
see  that  the  principle  of  action  of  the  military  autocracy  that 
rules  Germany  was  based  upon  a  repudiation  of  all  moral 
obligations  of  states.  We  came  to  see  that  Germany  had 
avowed  that  the  faith  of  treaties  was  nothing  to  her  unless  it 
was  to  her  interest  to  keep  them.  We  came  to  see  that  the 
law  of  nations  was  as  naught  to  Germany  when  it  thwarted 
her  purposes.  We  came  to  see,  finally,  that  the  military 
power  of  Germany  had  brought  back  into  the  world  the 
principles  of  action  of  those  dark  and  dreadful  days  of  a  bar- 
barous past  when  there  was  no  liberty  in  the  world,  and  that 
if  mankind  was  to  be  free  it  must  put  an  end  to  this  powerful 
and  ruthless  enemy  of  freedom.  And  so,  cheered  and  encour- 
aged by  the  freedom  of  Russia,  to  be  henceforth  our  ally  and 
our  friend,  we  entered  the  war,  and  we  are  going  to  fight  until 
the  world  is  made  safe  for  democracy.  For  your  democracy 
as  well  as  ours.  So  that  no  arrogant,  over-bearing,  military 
caste  shall  push  us  off  the  sidewalk. 


ADDRESS  BEFORE  CHAMBER  OF  COMMERCE      19 

We  are  new  to  war.  We  have  a  small  army.  We  cannot 
move  at  the  beginning  very  rapidly,  but  we  have  enrolled  for 
military  service  ten  million  men,  between  the  ages  of  twenty 
and  thirty.  We  have  first  to  train  oflBcers,  and  the  few  thou- 
sand officers  of  the  regular  army  are  now  engaged  in  various 
camps  over  the  country  in  training  some  forty  thousand 
young  men  as  officers.  As  soon  as  they  are  sufficiently 
trained  we  shall  call,  and  have  ordered  the  call  of  five  hun- 
dred thousand  men  to  be  trained  by  those  officers.  Then  we 
shall  repeat  the  operation,  training  more  officers  and  having 
them  train  more  men,  and  go  on  so  long  as  it  is  necessary  to 
win  this  war.  We  are  mobilizing  all  the  industries  of  the 
country.  Congress  has  by  law  put  under  the  control  of 
the  President  over  250,000  miles  of  American  railroads. 
All  the  manufacturing  establishments  are  put  under  the 
direction  of  the  general  government  and  required  to  manu- 
facture war  materials,  supplies,  and  munitions  at  no  greater 
profit  than  is  allowed  by  the  government  as  being  fair  and 
reasonable.  The  entire  food  production  of  the  country  is 
put  under  the  direction  of  a  chief  of  food  control,  and  that 
chief  is  the  gentleman  who  has  had  charge  of  the  Belgian 
relief  work  during  the  past  three  years,  Herbert  C.  Hoover. 
We  have  set  all  the  shipyards  in  the  country  at  work 
to  build  ships  by  the  thousand  to  take  the  place  in  the 
transport  of  supplies  of  those  vessels  which  are  destroyed 
by  the  German  U-boats.  In  the  meantime,  we  are  sending 
a  division  to  the  lines  in  France  and  Belgium  to  fight  there 
as  an  advance  guard  of  American  soldiers,  by  the  side  of 
the  soldiers  of  Belgium,  France,  England,  and  Russia,  who 
are  fighting  there.  In  the  meantime,  our  ships  of  war  are 
already  in  European  waters  engaged  in  the  crusade  against 
the  U-boats  which  are  destroying  the  peaceful  vessels  of 
commerce  that  are  carrying  supplies  to  Russia  and  Eng- 
land and  France  and  Italy. 


20  MISSION  TO  RUSSIA 

We  offer  you  no  comradeship  of  ease,  no  grudging  or 
stinted  cooperation,  but  the  assurance  of  action,  action, 
action,  until  the  time  when  the  new  democracy  of  Russia, 
crowned  with  the  greatest  achievement  of  history,  may 
stand  side  by  side  with  the  old  republic  of  the  United  States. 

Now  indulge  me  while  I  say  a  word  to  my  American 
friends  here.  It  is  not  enough,  my  friends  and  brothers  from 
America  in  Russia,  it  is  not  enough  that  our  Government 
sends  its  message  to  Russia.  It  is  not  enough  that  the  people 
of  America  look  from  the  other  side  of  the  world  with  hope 
and  courage  to  Russia.  You  Americans  who  are  here  in 
Russia  represent  your  country.  Your  attitude  towards  the 
Russian  democracy  and  your  spirit  will  be  interpreted  as  the 
spirit  of  democracy  in  America.  Your  fathers  and  mine  did 
not  win  and  maintain  our  liberty  by  pessimism.  We  won 
our  liberty  and  we  have  maintained  it  for  these  centuries  by 
confidence  in  the  power  of  democracy,  by  faith  in  the 
people.  We  have  maintained  peace  and  order  and  liberty  by 
respect  for  law  and  by  holding  up  the  hands  of  the  Govern- 
ment. Whether  it  was  an  established  and  settled  govern- 
ment, or  a  provisional  government,  or  a  revolutionary 
government,  that  government  which  represents  at  the  time 
the  will  of  the  people  for  the  maintenance  of  law  and  order 
and  associated  effort  in  behalf  of  liberty  and  justice,  that 
government  your  fathers  and  mine  have  always  maintained. 
Upon  your  Americanism,  upon  your  loyalty  to  your  own 
country,  do  it  now,  here.  Carry  no  faint  hearts  about  the 
streets  of  Petrograd.  Teach  these  people  in  Russia,  who  are 
new  to  the  government  of  democracy,  that  you,  who  are  old 
to  it,  have  faith  in  it  and  they  will  gain  added  faith  and 
loyalty  and  support  for  their  government  from  your  faith; 
and  so  you  will  be  in  harmony  with  the  people  you  have  left 
at  home,  who  believe  in  Russia  and  have  hope  and  courage 
for  Russia  and  pray  for  Russia. 


ADDRESS  BEFORE  THE  SOCIAL  ASSOCIATED 
COMMITTEES  OF  MOSCOW,  JUNE  22,  1917 

THE  Mission  for  which  I  speak  was  sent  to  Russia  to 
express  the  sympathy  of  the  United  States,  of  the  entire 
democracy  of  the  United  States,  for  the  Russian  people  in 
their  new  found  freedom,  and  their  struggle  to  create  and 
maintain  orderly  seK-government.  It  is  not  in  prosperity  and 
ease  that  one's  sympathies  go  out  to  a  friend,  but  in  struggle, 
in  conflict,  when  the  hard  tasks  of  life  are  to  be  accomplished. 
There  is  no  phase  or  part  of  Russian  life  with  which  the 
people  of  America  sympathize  more  deeply  than  they  do  with 
you  in  the  work  that  you  are  now  striving  to  accomplish. 
We  can  sympathize  with  it  because  we  have  been  through  it 
ourselves.  We  have  made  many  mistakes,  we  still  are  imper- 
fect in  our  government,  and  we  know  how  hard  it  is  for  a 
people  to  govern  themselves  in  accordance  with  the  laws  of 
justice  and  humanity.  And  we  have  had  more  than  one 
hundred  and  thirty  years  to  accomplish  our  task,  while  you 
have  had  but  three  months. 

It  is  not,  Mr.  President,  that  we  see  in  the  happenings  in 
Russia  since  we  came  cause  for  criticism,  but  we  marvel  at 
the  self-control,  the  kindliness  of  spirit,  and  the  sound  com- 
mon sense  that  the  Russian  people  have  displayed.  Believe 
me,  we  feel  that  in  the  work  that  you  are  doing  in  these 
committees  you  are  on  the  right  path  towards  an  assured 
and  permanent  democracy.  For  popular  self-government 
must  come  not  from  above;  not  by  fine  theories;  not  by 
formulas,  but  it  must  come  from  the  wilhng  participation  of 
all  the  people  who  govern  themselves.  That  independence 
of  individual  character  which  is  cultivated  and  developed  by 


22  MISSION  TO  RUSSIA 

individual  effort  for  the  public  good  is  the  solid  foundation 
for  free  government.  It  is  the  hope  and  prayer  of  the  Ameri- 
can people  that  you  may  have  full  scope  and  opportunity  to 
develop  yourselves,  your  free  government,  in  accordance 
with  the  needs  of  your  character  and  your  life  in  Russia.  It 
is  a  cause  of  joy  to  the  democratic  people  of  the  United 
States  if  they  can  help  to  give  to  the  Russian  people  the 
opportunity  to  work  out  their  own  system  of  government  in 
accordance  with  the  genius  of  Russian  character.  It  is  a 
cause  of  joy  to  us  if  we  can  help  to  keep  the  new  Russian 
democracy  from  being  prevented,  by  the  terrible  military 
power  of  Germany,  from  establishing  and  developing  their 
own  free  government.  We  have  learned  in  free  America 
that  the  system  of  government,  the  principles,  the  motives^ 
and  the  methods  of  German  military  autocracy  will  be  fatal 
to  our  liberty  and  fatal  to  yours;  and  we  rejoice  that  we  can 
help  to  save  both  great  democracies  from  that  frightful 
danger.  The  government  of  Germany,  the  social  system  of 
Germany,  the  socialism  of  Germany,  are  all  militaristic  in 
their  essential  nature.  They  shall  not  find  control  in  free 
America,  and  if  we  can  help  you  to  prevent  their  finding 
control  in  free  Russia,  we  shall  be  happy  in  feeling  that  we 
have  done  something  towards  perpetuating  the  ideals  of  our 
fathers  who  fought  and  sacrificed  to  make  us  free. 

I  thank  you  for  listening  so  kindly  to  me  and  for  permitting 
me  to  come  before  you  to  speak.  I  will  close  by  saying  that 
the  people  of  America  are  all  a  working  people;  they  work 
hard,  early  and  late;  they  love  hberty  and  they  work  for  it; 
and  their  hearts  go  out  to  you  who  are  working  for  the  liberty 
and  honor  of  your  country,  because  they  recognize  you  as 
brothers  in  a  common  cause.  Long  live  Free  Russia  and 
Free  America ! 


ADDRESS  BEFORE  THE  MOSCOW  DUMA, 
JUNE  22,  1917 

I  THANK  you  heartily  in  the  name  of  the  Mission  from 
America  for  your  hospitable  and  jflattering  reception.  I 
thank  you  for  your  kind  references  to  the  President  of  the 
United  States  and  to  that  free  democracy  of  America  which 
we  represent  to  the  democracy  of  Russia.  You  say,  Mr. 
Mayor,  that  Russia  is  ill  and  infirm.  I  have  heard  from 
many  lips  since  reaching  Russia  expressions  of  anxiety  and 
despondency  for  the  fate  of  the  new  democracy,  but  I  refuse 
to  believe  them.  Russia  is  not  infirm;  Russia  is  young  in 
her  democracy,  and  with  sincerity  of  purpose  is  groping  to 
find  the  right  way,  that  she  may  do  the  right  thing. 

We  in  the  United  States  of  America  have  faith  in  Russia, 
and  as  the  representatives  of  our  country,  we  carry  with  us 
that  faith  in  Russia  firm  and  unchanged.  Let  me  tell  you 
why  we  have  faith  in  you.  First;  because  we  know  that  you 
have  practiced  the  art  of  local  self-government,  through  such 
institutions  as  this  Duma,  with  success  and  fidelity  to  justice 
and  with  distinguished  honor  to  your  country.  That  is  the 
true  basis  of  national  self-government;  practice  in  local  self- 
government.  And  so,  although  you  have  been  deprived  of 
the  opportunity  for  national  self-government,  deprived  of  the 
opportunity  to  apply  your  ideas  of  democratic  free  self- 
government  in  the  nation  as  a  whole,  nevertheless  you  will 
find  the  way  to  expand  your  experience  in  local  self-govern- 
ment until  it  is  adapted  to  the  great  task  of  guiding  and 
governing  the  entire  nation.  You  who  have  respected  your 
own  customs  and  local  laws,  and  by  the  force  of  your  local 
public  opinion  have  enforced  them,  will  establish  national 

23 


M  MISSION  TO  RUSSIA 

laws,  and  by  the  union  of  all  the  cities  and  sections  of  Russia 
in  a  universal  public  opinion,  you  will  give  respect  to  the  law 
of  the  nation  and  will  enforce  it.  That  is  the  true  method 
of  self-government;  not  to  receive  it  from  above  by  consti- 
tutions, however  skillfully  prepared;  by  theories,  however 
brilliant;  but  to  build  it  up  from  below  by  individual  self- 
government;  by  habits  of  respect  for  law,  and  by  a  healthy 
public  opinion. 

The  second  reason  why  we  have  confidence  in  your  success 
is  that  we  know  the  kindly  heart  of  the  Russian  people,  the 
common  sense  of  the  Russian  people,  the  innate  respect 
for  the  rights  of  others  that  dwells  in  the  Russian  people. 
The  members  of  our  Mission,  sir,  have  frequently  spoken  to 
each  other  of  the  marvelous  spectacle  we  have  witnessed 
since  we  landed  upon  the  shores  of  Russia  several  weeks  ago, 
of  this  vast  people  practically  without  any  enforcement  of 
law,  practically  without  policemen  to  compel  observance 
of  the  rights  of  others,  yet  in  the  main,  with  few  exceptions, 
remaining  peaceable,  orderly,  respecting  each  other's  rights, 
considerate  of  each  other's  feelings  and  interests,  and  waiting 
only  for  the  construction  of  a  government  under  which  their 
extraordinary  qualities  of  self-control  can  make  a  firm  and 
perpetual  structure  of  law  and  order.  You  will  make  mis- 
takes; you  will  have  to  retrace  your  steps  here  and  there; 
you  will  find  imperfections,  but  you  will  step  by  step  go  on 
to  develop  a  structure  of  competent  and  successful  free 
self-government.  I  speak  with  confidence  because  I  know 
how  many  mistakes  we  have  made  in  America  during  the  one 
hundred  and  forty  years  through  which  we  have  been 
developing  our  free  self-government;  and  to  us  who  know 
how  hard  the  task  is,  how  many  mistakes  we  have  made,  it 
is  not  a  wonder  that  you  have  not  made  greater  progress  in 
the  three  months  of  your  freedom,  but  it  is  a  wonder  that 
you  have  done  so  well. 


ADDRESS  BEFORE  THE  MOSCOW  DUMA         25 

A  third  reason  why  we  have  faith  in  you  is  because  we 
know  the  capacity  of  the  Russian  character  for  self-sacrifice 
for  an  ideal.  Many  Russians  have  given  up  their  lives  in 
years  past;  many  Russians  have  lingered  in  prison;  many 
Russians  have  suffered  hardship,  in  order  that  Russia  might 
sometime  be  free;  and  we  know  it  cannot  be  possible  that 
Russians  now  are  unwilling  to  make  further  sacrifices  that 
Russia  may  remain  free.  We  know  that  Russia  cannot  fail  to 
value  the  prize  that  has  been  won  at  so  high  a  price  of  suffer- 
ing and  of  death.  We  know  you  must  love  liberty.  We  know 
that  Russia  cannot  be  materialistic,  wedded  to  ease  and  com- 
fort, indifferent  to  the  higher  good  of  her  people,  indifferent 
to  the  ideals  of  liberty  which  are  to  make  over  the  world 
and  lift  up  the  poor  and  the  oppressed  who  labor  and  suffer 
in  many  lands,  to  a  heritage  of  opportunity  and  freedom. 
We  know  you  cannot  fail  to  love  liberty  when  it  has  been 
bought  at  such  a  price  as  Russians  have  paid  for  it.  We 
know  that  hundreds  of  thousands  of  Russians  have  given 
up  their  lives  fighting  for  the  Czar,  and  we  do  not  for  a 
moment  believe  that  Russians  now  will  not  be  willing  to 
risk  their  lives  fighting  for  Russia  and  Russia's  freedom. 
That  is  the  test  of  a  people's  power  to  maintain  liberty; 
that  they  are  willing  to  make  sacrifices  for  liberty.  No 
people  can  have  liberty  without  paying  the  price.  There  is 
an  old  saying,  "  eternal  vigilance  is  the  price  of  liberty." 
More  than  that,  it  is  an  eternal  truth  that  constant  struggle 
is  the  price  of  liberty.  And  we  are  sure  that  Russia  will  not 
give  over  the  struggle  until  her  liberty  is  secure.  We  know 
that  in  the  Russian  heart  there  are  cherished  ideals  that 
are  far  above  the  material,  gross,  daily  needs  of  life.  We 
know  that  Russia,  free,  with  high  ideals,  with  courage  un- 
surpassed, jealous  of  her  liberty,  will  never  begin  the  career 
of  the  new  democracy  by  being  false  to  the  ideals  of  liberty 
in  the  world. 


26  MISSION  TO  RUSSIA 

There  is  another  and  broader  reason  for  our  faith.  It  is  a 
reason  that  has  grown  with  our  people  in  America  from  the 
days  of  their  early  struggles  against  cold,  hunger,  and 
savage  foes;  through  all  the  trials  by  which  they  have  won 
and  maintained  their  freedom;  it  is  that  we  have  faith  in  the 
triumph  and  perpetuity  of  Russian  freedom,  because  we  have 
an  abiding  faith  in  the  power  of  democracy.  You  are  not 
alone.  You  do  not  walk  alone  upon  the  pathway  of  self- 
government.  One  of  those  great  movements  of  the  human 
mind  that  no  man  can  control  or  measure  is  taking  place 
throughout  the  whole  world.  The  conception  of  government 
solely  by  command  of  a  superior  power  is  fading  from  the 
minds  of  men  throughout  the  world ;  and  the  new  conception 
of  government  by  the  will  of  the  governed,  imposing  the 
limitations  of  justice  and  right  conduct  upon  themselves,  is 
taking  its  place  the  world  over.  Yesterday  was  the  day  of 
emperors  and  kings;  today  is  the  day  of  the  plain  and 
humble  man  who  works  and  endures.  The  progress  of  that 
majestic  movement  of  mankind,  that  great  development  of 
civilization,  cannot  be  turned  back.  It  may  be  retarded 
here  and  there;  it  may  be  held  for  the  moment  by  an  obstacle 
here  and  an  obstacle  there;  but  that  irresistible  progress  of 
mankind  cannot  be  turned  back  in  Russia,  in  America,  any- 
where on  earth.  It  must  and  will  proceed  to  work  out  its 
final  fruition.  No  man  can  measure  the  time  or  the  place 
where  that  fruition  shall  be  reached.  You  are  not  alone; 
your  history  in  Russia  during  the  last  two  months  is  but  one 
chapter  in  the  great  history  of  the  advance  of  the  human  race 
along  the  pathway  to  this  higher  civilization  which  comes 
with  freedom  and  universal  opportunity  and  enlightenment. 

The  one  obstacle  that  holds  that  progress  for  the  moment, 
and  only  for  the  moment,  is  the  sinister  power  of  the  mili- 
tary autocracy  of  Germany.  That  power  which  repudi- 
ates  the   faiths  of  treaties;    that  power  which   avows  its 


ADDRESS  BEFORE  THE  MOSCOW  DUMA         27 

purpose  to  violate  the  laws  of  nations  whenever  it  finds  it 
to  its  interest  to  do  so;  that  power  which  has  erected  among 
the  peaceable  people  of  the  earth  a  vast  military  machine 
against  which  no  unorganized  peaceable  people  can  stand; 
that  power  which  avows  that  no  moral  laws  control  the 
state,  but  that  the  morality  which  you  and  I  acknowledge  as 
obligatory  upon  us  in  our  relations  to  each  other,  has  no  con- 
trol of  the  state,  and  that  the  supposed  interest  of  the  state 
is  superior  to  all  moral  law;  that  power  which  has  revived 
amid  the  civilization  of  the  twentieth  century  all  the  worst 
of  a  dreadful,  barbaric  past  and  has  enthroned  and  is  endeav- 
oring to  enforce  upon  the  world  principles  of  conduct  which, 
in  cynical  disregard  of  humanity  and  law  and  faith  and  moral- 
ity, which  in  brutality  and  selfishness,  have  not  been  seen 
in  this  world  since  the  fall  of  the  Roman  Empire.  That 
power  stands  now  as  the  one  bulwark  of  the  dark  powers 
of  the  past  against  the  triumphant  advance  of  the  light  of  a 
better  day  for  mankind.  No  peaceful  democracy  can  live 
beside  it.  America  feels  in  its  heart  that  it  cannot  live  in  its 
peaceful  security  by  the  side  of  the  German  military  autoc- 
racy, and  be  safe.  America  feels  that  the  new  freedom  of 
Russia  cannot  live  as  a  neighbor  to  the  military  autocracy 
of  Germany,  because  there  is  no  middle  ground  between 
defense  by  military  power,  and  subjection.  Our  faith  in  your 
working  out  a  system  of  free  self-government,  adapted  to  the 
conditions  and  the  character  and  the  genius  of  the  Russian 
people,  is  marred  by  but  one  doubt;  and  that  is  the  doubt 
whether  you  will  be  able  to  protect  the  right  to  develop  your 
own  free  government  against  the  malign  and  sinister  control 
of  German  autocracy.  And  it  is  because  we  know  that  your 
young  liberty  cannot  live  beside  German  power,  and  our  own 
liberty  cannot  live  beside  German  power,  and  freedom  all 
over  the  world  cannot  live  beside  German  power,  that  we 
have  come  to  say  to  you  that  we  have  entered  this  war  in  the 


28  MISSION  TO  RUSSIA 

service  of  freedom  for  you  as  well  as  for  ourselves;  to  fight 
with  you;  to  give  our  blood  and  treasure  with  you  for  the 
perpetuation  of  liberty  in  the  world,  Russian  and  American. 
We  will  stay  with  you  to  the  end  in  that  conflict,  certain  of  its 
triumphant  success;  and  we  will  stand  with  you,  our  old  flag 
with  its  stars  and  stripes  floating  beside  your  new  flag  of 
Russian  freedom,  in  the  triumph  of  liberty  over  autocracy. 
Until  that  time  comes,  our  labors,  our  blood,  our  treasure, 
our  brotherly  affection  and  our  prayers  are  with  you  in  your 
work. 


ADDRESS  BEFORE  THE  WAR  INDUSTRIES 
COMMITTEE  AT  MOSCOW,  JUNE  23,  1917 

IT  is  a  great  pleasure  for  me  and  for  my  associates  in 
the  Mission  to  be  received  by  this  Committee,  because  we 
have  learned  in  America  to  appreciate  very  highly  the  ex- 
traordinary work  that  you  have  already  done  in  your  country. 
I  do  not  think  that  we  have  fully  appreciated,  however, 
the  difficulties  under  which  you  have  labored.  A  study 
of  the  conditions  in  Russia  since  our  arrival  reveals  those 
difficulties  to  be  far  greater  than  we  had  supposed.  That 
increases  our  admiration  for  the  courage,  the  persistency, 
and  the  public  spirit  with  which  you  have  carried  on  the 
great  work  of  the  last  three  years.  I  observe  with  some  dis- 
tress that  there  are  influences  operating  now,  attempting  to 
influence  the  industrial  conditions  in  Russia,  which  would 
tend  to  destroy  the  success  of  your  future  efforts.  Of  course, 
if  the  revolution  is  now  to  proceed  to  the  destruction  of 
all  industrial  enterprise,  that  must  end  your  work,  and 
there  are  plainly  some  malign  influences  which  desire  to 
accomplish  that  result.  I  have,  however,  the  greatest  con- 
fidence in  the  sincerity  of  purpose  and  the  strong  deter- 
mination of  the  Provisional  Government  at  Petrograd  to 
combat  and  counteract  these  influences  and  to  maintain  the 
industrial  system  of  the  country.  It  is  so  plainly  indicated 
by  the  conditions  that  the  way  to  maintain  industrial  effi- 
ciency and  continue  the  work  of  your  committee  is  to  stand 
by  and  support  the  authority  of  the  Provisional  Govern- 
ment, that  I  cannot  doubt  that  such  support  will  be  freely 
and  continuously  given.  A  very  cheering  incident  —  more 
than  an  incident — a  step  in  the  progress  of  the  revolution,  is 


30  MISSION  TO  RUSSIA 

the  action  recently  taken  in  Petrograd  by  the  General  Council 
of  Workmen's  and  Soldiers'  Delegates.  I  refer  to  the  resolu- 
tion of  that  General  Council  of  representatives  from  all 
Russia,  welcoming  the  association  and  cooperation  of  capi- 
tal and  labor,  of  industrial  enterprise  and  the  proletariat.  It 
may  well  be  treated  as  the  basis  for  the  future  development 
of  your  constitutional  government.  That  resolution  of  that 
Council  contrasts  so  sharply  with  the  incitement  of  the 
sinister  influences  that  are  attempting  to  destroy  the  indus- 
trial life  of  Russia,  that  it  may  well  be  accepted  as  the  authori- 
tative declaration  of  the  people  of  Russia,  so  far  as  they  have 
yet  been  able  to  secure  a  representative  assembly,  in  favor  of 
the  preservation  of  industrial  life  and  enterprise. 

Let  me  say  a  word  about  our  work  in  America  along  your 
lines.  Of  course,  we  are  quite  new  to  war  in  America.  We 
have  had  only  little  wars,  and  the  idea  of  a  whole  nation 
mobilizing  its  industries  for  the  support  of  a  great  army  is 
quite  new  to  us;  but  the  people  of  the  country  are  so  thor- 
oughly convinced  that  it  is  necessary  for  them  to  defend 
their  liberty,  that  they  cannot  remain  free  and  indepen- 
dent in  the  same  world  with  a  predominant  militaristic 
autocracy  such  as  exists  in  Germany,  that  they  are  gladly 
yielding  themselves  to  the  constraint  and  sacrifices  of  the 
new  system.  We  have  had  a  little  army.  It  had  been  sup- 
plied by  ordinary  purchases  in  the  market,  and  by  very 
few  and  small  government  manufacturing  establishments. 
But  now  we  have  enrolled  for  military  service  ten  million 
men  between  the  ages  of  twenty  and  thirty.  We  have  the 
few  officers  of  our  regular  army  now  engaged  in  training  some 
forty  or  fifty  thousand  men  for  new  officers  for  commissions 
in  the  larger  army.  We  have  ordered  a  corps  of  five  hundred 
thousand  men  from  those  enrolled  to  come  out  just  as  soon  as 
these  forty  to  fifty  thousand  officers  now  being  trained  will 
be  ready  to  train  the  men.    In  the  meantime,  we  shall  go  on 


ADDRESS  TO  THE  INDUSTRIES  BOARD         31 

training  another  set  of  officers  to  train  another  set  of  men, 
and  we  shall  continue  that  as  long  as  it  is  necessary.  In  the 
meantime  we  are  sending  an  advance  division  to  the  line  in 
Prance  and  Belgium,  and  our  men-of-war  are  now  in 
European  waters  chasing  U-boats. 

Behind  this  provision  we  are  mobilizing  the  industries  of 
the  country.  All  the  railroads  —  I  think  over  250,000  miles 
—  are  put  under  the  direction  of  the  Government,  —  the 
jBrst  time  in  our  history  that  this  has  ever  been  done.  All 
the  manufacturing  establishments,  makers  of  munitions  and 
supplies  of  all  kinds,  and  of  the  raw  materials  from  which 
munitions  and  supplies  are  made,  are  put  under  the  direc- 
tion of  the  Government,  and  the  Government  is  authorized 
to  require  them  to  produce  the  necessary  supplies  at  prices 
which  shall  not  yield  any  profit  in  excess  of  the  profit  fixed  by 
the  President  as  fair  and  reasonable.  The  food  produc- 
tion and  distribution  are  put  under  the  direction  of  a  new 
department  of  food  production  and  supply,  and  for  the 
direction  of  that  we  are  utilizing  the  services  of  Mr.  Hoover, 
who  was  at  the  head  of  the  Belgian  Relief.  In  the  meantime 
also,  the  Government  is  putting  itself  directly  behind  and  in 
support  of  the  work  of  the  Red  Cross,  which  has  hitherto 
been  supported  solely  by  voluntary  contributions.  Very 
great  increases  are  being  made  in  the  contributions  for  the 
support  of  the  Young  Men's  Christian  Association  work, 
which  has  been  so  extensive  on  the  French  line  and  on  the 
British  line  in  France  and  Belgium,  and  until  the  break  with 
us,  also  on  the  Austrian  line,  and  it  has  also  begun  on  the 
Italian  line.  So  that  the  services  of  that  organization  for  the 
entertainment,  the  comfort  and  the  instruction  of  the  soldiers 
in  their  camps  and  immediately  behind  their  trenches,  may 
go  forward  on  a  larger  scale  than  ever  before. 

Our  friends  in  England  and  France  and  Italy  have  been 
very  kind  to  us  in  sending  over  in  various  commissions. 


32  MISSION  TO  RUSSIA 

gentlemen  who  have  had  great  experience  in  war  industries 
in  their  own  countries;  and  we  hope  to  profit  by  the  mistakes 
which  they  tell  us  they  have  made  and  which  I  am  told  you 
have  made;  and  profiting  by  these  warnings,  we  are  going 
to  try  not  to  withdraw  from  the  industries  of  the  country, 
for  the  purpose  of  the  fighting-line,  the  men  who  are  neces- 
sary to  carry  on  the  industries.  So  we  are  going  to  do  our 
best  and  we  are  going  to  keep  on  doing  it.  I  am  happy  to 
say  that  in  the  industrial  situation  in  America,  American 
labor  is  satisfied  with  the  conditions,  and  its  opportunity 
under  the  protection  of  law  to  develop  its  increasing  pros- 
perity by  evolution.  No  part  of  our  people  have  been  more 
cheerful,  loyal,  and  earnest  in  giving  support  to  this  whole 
system  both  of  raising  and  maintaining  an  army  and  of 
industrial  mobilization  for  its  support,  than  the  laboring  men. 
We  have  the  eight-hour  law  under  national  statutes,  but  the 
labor  people  of  America  cheerfully  and  with  alacrity  have 
assented  to  putting  into  the  President's  hands  the  right  to 
suspend  the  operation  of  that  eight-hour  law  and  to  call  for 
labor  during  much  longer  hours  and  under  more  severe  con- 
ditions, because  of  the  immense  public  necessity  of  pressing 
forward  the  work  in  every  direction. 

Mr.  Duncan,  one  of  our  Mission,  who  is  one  of  the  vice- 
presidents  of  the  American  Federation  of  Labor,  assents 
very  heartily  to  the  statement  I  have  just  made  about  the 
attitude  of  our  laboring  people.  I  wish  that  the  laboring 
men  in  Russia  might  become  fully  acquainted  with  the  way 
in  which  the  laboring  people  in  the  United  States,  after  long 
experience  in  maintaining  their  own  rights,  look  at  their 
relations  to  the  Government  and  the  need  of  the  country  at 
this  time. 

Now  I  have  talked  to  you  too  much  about  ourselves,  but  it 
is  sometimes  encouraging  when  one  is  at  work  very  hard  and 
very  earnestly,  to  feel  that  there  are  others  in  sympathy, 


ADDRESS  TO  THE  INDUSTRIES  BOARD         33 

engaged  in  similar  work  and  pressing  forward  in  the  same 
direction.  I  have  said  so  much,  in  order  that  you  may  feel 
that  you  have  not  merely  the  sympathy  of  rhetoric,  but  the 
sympathy  of  workers  in  the  same  cause.  I  want  to  have 
you  feel  that  you  are  not  alone,  but  that  in  America  the  good 
men,  the  loyal  men,  the  men  who  really  desire  better  things 
for  their  country,  who  wish  that  their  people  shall  be  free, 
are  earnestly  doing  the  same  kind  of  work  that  you  are 
doing  for  Russia.  You  have  our  most  earnest  sympathy  for 
the  future  of  your  great  undertakings. 

[There  followed  several  addresses  in  Russian  and  in  French, 
after  which  Mr.  Root  said] : 

Let  me  say  a  word  regarding  your  references  to  the  supply 
of  locomotives  and  cars.  The  first  thing  this  Mission  did 
after  its  appointment  and  before  leaving  Washington,  was  to 
recommend  to  our  Government  that  it  put  itself  behind  the 
order  which  the  Russian  Government  was  then  ready  to 
place,  for  500  locomotives  and  10,000  freight  cars,  and  that 
was  done,  the  Government  making  a  credit  of  $100,000,000 
and  arranging  with  the  manufacturers  to  expedite  the  filling 
of  that  order.  There  were  already  prior  orders  for  375  loco- 
motives and  about  10,000  freight  cars,  which  are  now  in  pro- 
cess of  being  filled.  I  suppose  the  first  installment  has  been 
delivered  by  this  time;  if  not,  it  is  no  doubt  upon  the  ocean, 
and  the  manufacturers  are  ready  to  go  on  with  deliveries 
under  the  old  order. 

The  new  order,  which  was  made  just  before  we  left,  for  500 
locomotives  and  10,000  cars,  will  come  on  right  after  those 
deliveries.  It  is  the  view  of  this  Mission  that  that  process 
should  be  continued,  our  Government  making  credits  and 
expediting  manufacture  for  still  further  orders;  but  the 
limit  of  the  possibility  of  supply  is  not  money,  not  capacity 
for  production;  it  is  shipping.  The  supply  of  locomotives 
is  going  on  now  and  will  continue  to  go  on  to  the  full  extent 


34  MISSION  TO  RUSSIA 

of  the  possibility  of  shipment  across  the  ocean.  We  have 
begun  to  build  ships  in  order  to  take  the  place  of  those 
destroyed  by  the  submarine  warfare.  It  takes  time,  as  you 
know,  to  enlarge  greatly  manufacture  in  any  industry,  but 
we  hope  before  very  long  to  make  very  material  additions  to 
the  shipping  of  the  world,  so  that  we  expect  to  increase  the 
supply  of  rolling  stock  for  your  railroads. 

I  will  add  also  that  investigation  has  shown  both  to  the 
American  experts  who  were  invited  here  and  to  their  Rus- 
sian associates,  in  recent  inquiries  into  railroad  adminis- 
tration, that  very  great  increase  in  efficiency  of  transportation 
can  be  brought  about  by  some  changes  in  organization.  You 
can  come  very  near  doubling  the  efficiency  of  the  rolling 
stock  you  have  in  this  country  now,  and  I  hope  that  will 
be  accomplished. 

Of  course,  when  any  industry,  whether  it  be  transportation, 
or  manufacture  or  distribution,  is  organized  for  one  set  of 
conditions  and  then  new  and  more  onerous  conditions  must 
be  dealt  with,  you  have  got  to  change  your  organization  to 
meet  the  new  conditions. 


ADDRESS  BEFORE  THE  ZEMSTVO  UNION,  AT 
MOSCOW,  JUNE  23,  1917 

I  THANK  you  very  much  for  permitting  the  Mission  from 
America,  for  which  I  have  the  honor  to  speak,  to  visit  you 
and  to  look  into  your  faces,  and  to  listen  to  the  account 
of  the  great  work  in  which  you  are  engaged.  We  feel  that 
here  there  is  something  more  than  oratory;  there  is  service, 
and  that  is  the  real  thing.  Your  work  has  not  been  unknown 
to  us  in  America.  One  of  the  chief  grounds  for  confidence  in 
the  newly  formed  revolutionary  government  was  the  presence 
at  its  head  of  Prince  Lvoff,  who  so  long  and  so  ably  directed 
the  affairs  of  your  union.  We  feel  that  you  are  not  merely 
engaged  in  the  necessary  work  of  supplying  the  Russian 
army,  but  that  you  are  exhibiting  to  the  world  the  highest 
evidence  that  Russia  is  a  living  force,  worthy  of  freedom.  For 
in  these  two  respects  you  show  that  you  are  building  up  self- 
government  upon  solid  foundations.  Liberty  is  a  natural 
right  to  which  all  men  may  aspire,  but  self-government  is  an 
art  which  must  be  acquired.  Liberty  without  the  capacity 
for  self-government  is  a  fatal  gift.  Now,  you  base  your  work 
upon  individual  enterprise  and  local  association  organized 
and  united  for  a  natural  purpose.  This  is  the  way  that  self- 
government  is  built  up  so  that  it  can  endure.  This  is  the  way 
in  which  the  self-government  which  preserves  and  maintains 
our  liberty  and  justice  in  America  was  built  up. 

People  wonder  how  the  old  bureaucracy  was  cast  off  so 
easily  and  suddenly.  I  think  I  begin  to  see  that  it  was  because 
underneath  that  cover  which  sought  to  repress  the  Russian 
people,  the  Russian  people  were  growing  in  capacity  for  free- 
dom.    It  is  your  work  which  is  the  true  avenue  and  method 

35 


36  MISSION  TO  RUSSIA 

of  the  growth  of  the  people.  The  other  respect  in  which  I  say 
that  your  work  is  of  the  highest  importance,  and  is  the  highest 
evidence  of  the  fitness  of  Russia  for  freedom,  is  that  without 
arguing  or  reasoning  about  it,  you  are  illustrating  the  true 
principle  necessary  for  the  maintenance  of  freedom;  and 
that  principle  is  the  principle  of  service.  One  always  loves 
another  for  whom  he  has  to  care.  If  a  people  are  to  love 
their  country  and  be  willing  to  maintain  its  freedom,  they 
must  serve  their  country.  The  principle  of  free  self-govern- 
ment is  the  principle  not  what  I  can  get  out  of  the  coun- 
try, but  what  can  I  give  to  the  country.  The  bureaucratic 
government  which  you  have  cast  aside,  was  composed  largely 
of  men  who  only  thought  of  what  they  could  get  out  of  the 
country.  You  have  brought  into  the  life  of  Russia  a  great 
service,  people  who  are  seeking  to  know  what  they  can 
give  to  their  country.  And  so  I  have  abiding  faith  that  the 
government  which  is  being  built  upon  such  foundations,  will 
accord  with  the  character,  the  life  and  the  genius  of  the  Rus- 
sian people.  I  believe  that  you  have  not  only  been  serving 
your  soldiers  at  the  front,  but  you  have  been  laying  founda- 
tions for  your  liberty  —  the  liberty  of  the  Russian  people;  the 
foundations  upon  which  will  be  built  the  great  structure  of 
Russian  liberty  in  the  future,  —  that  structure  which  will 
stand  for  many  centuries  to  come. 

And  so,  we  all  feel  honored  and  proud  to  meet  you  and  to 
hail  you  as  friends  in  the  great  work  of  liberty  and  justice 
the  world  over.  If  America  can  help  you  in  your  work  tell 
us  what  to  do  and  we  shall  be  glad  to  do  it;  for  while  peoples 
are  many,  separated  by  oceans  and  continents,  liberty  is  one, 
the  laws  of  justice  and  humanity  are  one  code  the  world  over; 
and  for  the  maintenance  of  these  laws  we  should  all  struggle 
together,  as  brothers  and  sisters  of  humanity. 


ADDRESS  AT  THE  MOSCOW  PEOPLE'S  BANK, 
MOSCOW.  JUNE  23,  1917 

I  THANK  you  very  much  in  behalf  of  the  whole  Mission 
from  the  United  States  for  your  very  kind  and  hospitable 
welcome.  This  institution  has  been  the  object  of  very  great 
interest  in  the  United  States.  We  have  long  felt  that  our 
banking  system  was  defective.  We  had  banks  which  were 
adapted  to  commercial  uses,  affording  opportunities  for 
the  commercial  and  manufacturing  people,  and  we  had  a 
great  system  of  very  strong  and  well  conducted  savings 
banks  for  the  deposit  of  the  savings  of  people  of  small  means ; 
but  we  had  no  agency  through  which  the  ordinary  agricul- 
tural industry  of  the  country  could  be  accommodated.  We 
have  for  a  number  of  years  felt  that  the  proper  development 
of  our  agriculture  was  limited  by  the  absence  of  some  such 
institution.  Accordingly  we  have  studied  your  work  and 
your  institution,  and  we  are  full  of  admiration  for  it  and  for 
the  Russian  people  who  have  been  able  to  organize  it  and  to 
maintain  it.  We  hope  to  learn  from  it,  we  are  learning  much 
from  it  in  the  effort  we  are  now  making  to  establish  agricul- 
tural loan  banks  throughout  our  country  for  the  benefit  of 
the  agricultural  producers  of  the  country.  It  is  a  very  great 
pleasure  and  honor  for  us  to  be  received  by  you  and  to  listen 
to  these  explanations  of  your  institution,  and  we  thank  you 
sincerely. 

We  join  with  you  in  the  determination  that  the  national 
system  of  development,  of  finance  and  industry,  of  the  modes 
by  which  the  people  may  develop  their  own  prosperity,  shall 
not  be  taken  away  by  Germany,  either  by  force  or  by  fraud. 
We  feel  with  you  that,  unless  resisted,  the  imposition  of  the 


38  MISSION  TO  RUSSIA 

German  control  upon  our  country  would  result  in  having 
what  may  be  a  very  efficient  system  but  still  German  and 
not  ours;  and  we  feel  sure  that  the  result  of  such  domination 
would  be  that  we  should  become  a  subject  nation  to  the 
German  power,  and  we  do  not  mean  that  that  shall  ever 
happen ! 


ADDRESS  AT  THE  MEETING  OF  THE  BOURSE 
OF  MOSCOW,  JUNE  23,  1917 

THE  Mission  from  the  United  States,  for  which  I  speak, 
appreciates  very  highly  the  hospitahty  and  the  friendship 
with  which  you  have  received  us  here;  and  we  thank  you 
for  being  so  good  as  to  come  together  for  the  purpose  of 
meeting  us. 

This  Mission  has  no  concern  with  commerce  or  industry  or 
profit.  The  instincts  of  the  American  democracy  were  that 
the  vital  point  upon  which  all  commerce,  all  industry,  all 
profit  in  the  future,  and  liberty  itself  depends,  is  the  preven- 
tion of  the  domination  of  the  military  autocracy  of  Germany 
in  the  free  and  of  necessity  less  completely  organized  democ- 
racies of  the  world.  The  function  of  this  Mission  was  inten- 
tionally limited  especially  to  alliance  and  cooperation  in  the 
conduct  of  the  war  against  Germany.  We  wished  that  no 
one  should  be  able  to  say  or  to  think  that  this  Mission  had 
come  here  to  secure  advantage  or  profit  for  America  in  trade 
or  in  industry.  To  our  minds  the  domination  of  Germany 
is  like  a  gas  attack.  When  that  poison  gas  rolls  over  the 
country  nobody  can  breathe  except  a  German,  and  we  pro- 
pose to  join  hands  —  to  join  hands  with  Russia  —  to  destroy 
the  machine  that  makes  the  gas.  When  that  is  done,  when 
Russia  has  an  opportunity  freely  to  develop  her  system  of 
government  in  accordance  with  the  customs  and  genius 
of  the  Russian  people,  then  will  be  laid  the  foundation  for 
enterprise  and  industry,  for  great  undertakings  in  the  devel- 
opment of  your  vast  natural  wealth,  and  for  the  free  inter- 
course of  trade  between  you  and  the  rest  of  the  world,  in 
which,  we  all  hope,  mutual  friendship  and  labor  together  in  a 

S9 


40  MISSION  TO  RUSSIA 

common  cause  will  include  the  people  of  the  United  States  of 
America. 

You  are  now  experiencing  the  feeling  of  uncertainty. 
Certainty  after  all,  is  at  the  basis  of  your  occupation.  It  is 
at  the  basis  of  all  trade;  at  the  basis  of  all  financial  develop- 
ment; at  the  basis  of  all  successful  enterprise.  Certainty; 
certainty  of  protection  by  government  and  certainty  of  pro- 
tection against  government.  Various  of  the  older  countries 
have  had  various  ways  of  securing  that  certainty.  By  cer- 
tainty, I  mean  that  when  money  is  invested  in  an  enterprise, 
in  a  mine,  in  a  farm,  or  in  a  manufactory,  the  people  who  are 
concerned  in  it,  or  who  are  invited  to  purchase  an  interest  in 
it,  may  know  that  there  is  a  government  that  will  protect 
them  in  the  exercise  of  the  right  to  conduct  that  enterprise; 
and  will  not  take  it  away  as  soon  as  it  becomes  profitable. 
Upon  that  the  prosperity  of  every  bourse  in  the  world, 
and  the  prosperity  of  all  enterprise  for  the  development 
of  all  the  wealth  of  all  the  countries  in  the  world, 
depends;  upon  that  security  all  these  things  must  rest.  In 
some  old  countries  the  natural  conservatism  of  the  people 
furnishes  the  security;  that  is  so  in  England;  it  is  so  in 
France,  and  I  judge  that  to  some  extent  it  is  so  in  Russia. 
I  say  to  some  extent,  because  you  are  so  new  to  free  govern- 
ment here,  and  there  appear  to  be  conflicting  ideas  in  some 
quarters.  In  the  United  States,  being  a  new  country,  and 
not  having  long-established  customs  of  many  centuries  to 
furnish  this  security,  we  undertook  to  create  it  by  putting 
into  our  written  Constitution  certain  rules  of  conduct  which 
were  binding  upon  the  Government;  that  no  man  shall  be 
deprived  of  his  life,  or  liberty,  or  property  except  by  due 
process  of  law;  that  private  property  shall  not  be  taken  for 
public  use  without  compensation;  that  no  law  shall  be 
passed  impairing  the  obligation  of  contracts,  and  other 
similar  rules;  and  by  this  Constitution  we  limit  the  powers 
of  all  oflBcers  of  government,  so  that  they  have  no  oflScial 


ADDRESS  AT  MEETING  OF  THE  BOURSE        41 

power  to  violate  any  of  these  rules.  If  any  public  officer 
undertakes  to  take  away  my  property,  or  to  prevent  my  just 
use  of  it,  he  is  a  trespasser,  and  I  can  prosecute  him  by  law 
and  make  him  pay  damages  or  punish  him  for  violation  of 
my  rights,  and  he  is  not  protected  by  his  official  character. 
No  public  officer,  no  president  or  governor,  or  executive 
officer  of  any  kind,  no  congress  or  legislature,  or  state 
or  local  body  can  overrule  the  judgments  of  the  courts 
protecting  all  citizens  in  the  possession  of  their  private 
property  and  the  exercise  of  their  rights  to  use  it.  Accord- 
ingly, when  the  securities  of  any  enterprise  are  offered 
for  sale,  in  the  American  stock  exchange,  everybody  knows 
that  if  he  buys  them  he  will  get  an  interest  in  the  property 
that  cannot  be  taken  away  from  him.  The  property  may  be 
good  or  bad,  the  enterprise  may  succeed  or  fail ;  the  purchaser 
takes  those  chances,  but  one  chance  he  does  not  have  to  take; 
he  runs  no  risk  of  the  property  being  taken  away  from  the 
corporation  or  association  that  proposes  to  carry  it  on,  and 
no  risk  that  that  association  will  be  prevented  from  working 
out  the  enterprise  and  securing  its  fruits. 

We  shall  look  with  the  greatest  interest  to  the  work  of 
your  coming  Constituent  Convention  to  see  how  far  you  find 
it  desirable,  or  find  yourselves  able  to  include  guarantees  and 
safeguards,  against  destroying  the  fundamental  basis  of  enter- 
prise, upon  which  your  prosperity  and  the  development  of 
the  wealth  of  Russia  must  depend.  And  to  that  effort,  and 
to  all  your  efforts  for  the  establishment  of  a  new  and  ade- 
quate political  system,  and  for  placing  your  industrial,  and 
commercial  system  upon  a  sound  and  broader  and  more 
secure  foundation,  for  ensuring  the  political,  industrial,  and 
economic  freedom  of  Russia,  and  for  keeping  out  from  con- 
trol over  your  lives,  the  domination,  either  military  or  politi- 
cal or  financial,  of  the  brutal  and  arrogant  power  of  Germany, 
the  sympathy  and  good  wishes  and  hearty  cooperation  of  the 
people  of  the  United  States  will  ever  be  extended. 


ADDRESS  AT  A  LUNCHEON  GIVEN  BY  GENERAL 
BRUSILOFF  AT  GENERAL  STAFF  HEAD- 
QUARTERS, "STAFKA,"  JUNE  27,  1917 

On  June  27,  1917,  the  Russian  general,  Alexis  Brusiloff,  gave  a  luncheon  at 
general  staff  headquarters,  in  Mogileve,  in  honor  of  the  American  Diplomatic 
Mission.  After  the  limcheon.  General  Brusiloff  welcomed  the  Mission  in  the 
following  address: 

Mr.  Ambassador,  I  am  glad  that  I  have  the  honor  to  welcome  you  as 
representative  of  our  new  great  ally. 

Russia  and  America,  —  these  are  two  worlds  divided  by  oceans;  but  it  is 
my  wish  that  you  who  have  conquered  distances  and  have  come  as  our  dear  and 
welcome  guests  shall  gain  the  impression  that  your  beautiful  country  is  not 
distant,  but  close  to  Russia.  Here,  as  across  the  ocean,  you  will  find  the  same 
banner  bearing  the  same  great  device,  —  liberty,  civil,  social,  political,  and 
national.  America,  which  has  long  ago  acquired  the  former,  has  now  declared 
herself  for  the  latter;  as,  without  the  independence  and  liberty  of  nations,  all 
others  are  mere  visions.  Having  just  passed  through  changes  such  as  history 
has  seldom  known,  we  are  now  deeply  satisfied,  feeling  that  our  glorious  allies 
are  strengthened  by  a  new  and  powerful  support  —  the  great  transatlantic 
republic.  Continuing  the  war  with  all  the  powers  at  ouj-  disposal,  we  shall 
fight  not  only  for  oiu-  own  cause,  fortifying  the  liberty  we  have  recently  acquired, 
but  at  the  same  time  —  hand  in  hand  with  you  —  we  shall  fight  for  the  right  of 
all  nations  to  shape  their  destinies  in  accordance  with  their  own  desires. 

With  deep  faith  in  our  common  and  just  cause,  allow  me,  in  the  name  of  the 
Russian  army,  to  welcome  our  great  democratic  ally  and  its  glorious  army,  and 
also  you  gentlemen  whom  we  are  glad  to  welcome  to  our  fraternal  military 
circle. 

Response  of  Mr.  Root 

I  THANK  you  sincerely  for  your  courteous  and  friendly 
greeting  and  for  the  kind  things  you  have  said  about 
my  country.  It  is  most  encouraging  for  America,  which 
has  entered  the  great  war  to  be  the  friend  and  ally  of 
the  new  democracy  of  Russia,  to  know  that  in  the  war- 
fare in  our  common  cause  against  the  hateful  autocracy 
of  Germany,  we  will  still  have  the  advantage  of  your  mili- 
tary genius,  which  the  world  esteems  so  well;  and  will  still 

42 


ADDRESS  AT  "  STAFKA  "  43 

have  the  benefit  of  that  bulwark  of  liberty  which  the  daunt- 
less courage  and  fortitude  of  the  soldiers  of  Russia  are  able 
to  maintain  against  the  aggressions  of  military  autocracy. 

We  are  peaceful  people  in  America,  but  we  have  learned 
that  we  cannot  continue  a  free  people  unless  we  prevent  the 
supremacy  of  autocratic  German  power  in  the  world.  We 
have  no  hatred  towards  Germany,  but  we  will  not  be  sub- 
jugated by  her,  nor  ruled  by  her.  We  have  learned  that  her 
professions  of  friendship  are  false.  For  a  long  time,  when  we 
objected  to  Germany's  murder  of  our  innocent  people,  men 
and  women  and  children,  upon  the  high  seas  through  her 
submarine  warfare,  Germany  put  us  off  with  friendly  words, 
and  specious  promises,  and  professions  of  desire  to  observe 
our  interests.  At  last  we  learned  by  her  own  confession  that 
she  was  but  keeping  us  quiet  in  order  that  she  might  have 
time  to  build  more  submarine  boats  to  murder  our  citizens 
more  readily;  just  as  Germany  sends  her  troops  to  frater- 
nize with  the  kindly  Russians  upon  your  front,  and  while 
protesting  friendship  there,  she  is  at  the  same  time  murder- 
ing the  Russian  soldiers  in  German  prison  camps  by  cruel 
and  inhuman  treatment. 

We  are  glad  that  you  know  the  truth  regarding  this  foe  of 
liberty  and  honor;  we  are  glad  that  you  know  that  no  faith 
and  no  morality  and  no  humanity  is  to  be  found  in  the  class 
that  rules  Germany;  we  are  glad  that  you  have  learned,  as 
we  have  learned,  that  if  we  are  to  maintain  our  liberty  in 
Russia  and  in  America,  we  must  be  able  to  make  sacrifices 
for  it,  to  fight  for  it,  and  if  need  be  to  die  for  it,  in  order  that 
our  beloved  countries  may  live  in  freedom  and  not  be  sub- 
jected to  a  foreign  power.  And  as  brothers  in  that  cause,  the 
greatest  that  the  world  has  ever  seen;  in  behalf  of  the  whole 
people  of  the  United  States,  I  give  you  the  toast:  To  the 
indomitable  Russian  Army  and  to  its  heroic  Commander-in- 
Chief,  to  whom  be  honor  and  success  and  glory  to  the  end ! 


ADDRESS  AT   A  LUNCHEON   GIVEN  BY  THE 

MINISTER   OF  FOREIGN   AFFAIRS 

PETROGRAD,  JULY  4,  1917 

I  AM  sure  I  speak  not  only  for  myself  and  the  other  mem- 
bers of  the  Diplomatic  Mission  from  the  United  States, 
but  also  for  the  ambassador  of  the  United  States  to  Russia 
and  these  gentlemen  who  have  come  as  an  advisory  commis- 
sion to  endeavor  to  help  in  the  transportation  problems  of 
Russia  —  I  speak  for  them  all  in  returning  most  hearty  thanks 
both  for  the  expressions  which  have  been  used  today  and  for 
the  substantial  and  real  feeling  we  have  found  behind  the 
expression.  We  have  met  in  Russia  everywhere  the  most 
kindly  and  hospitable  reception.  We  have  been  met  with  the 
utmost  frankness  and  sincerity  and  helpfulness.  Every- 
where in  the  government  and  among  the  many  citizens  of 
Russia  with  whom  we  have  been  brought  into  contact  this 
has  been  true.  We  are  deeply  grateful  for  all  that  you  have 
done  for  us,  and  for  the  spirit  you  have  exhibited;  and  we  shall 
go  back  to  the  United  States  to  carry  a  report  of  all  possible 
evidence  of  real  friendship,  real  cooperation,  real  union,  in  a 
common  spirit,  between  the  two  great  democracies. 

As  we  of  the  Diplomatic  Mission  are  about  to  depart  from 
Russia  upon  the  coming  Monday,  I  wish  to  say  that  we  leave 
Russia  with  cheerful  hope  and  confidence  for  the  successful 
accomplishment  of  the  great  task  which  the  people  of  Russia 
have  undertaken.  We  leave  with  renewed  faith  in  your  com- 
petency, in  all  branches  of  your  government  and  in  all  sec- 
tions and  grades  of  your  people,  to  do  the  great  work  which 
you  undertook  when  you  dethroned  your  czar.  And  we  base 
our  confidence  on  substantial  grounds  —  not  upon  patriotic 
words,  not  upon  the  expression  of  theories;   not  upon  noble 


PRINCIPLES  OF  DEMOCRACY  45 

sentiments  alone,  but  upon  what  we  find  in  the  character  of 
the  Russian  people  —  upon  the  real  and  extraordinary  prog- 
ress which  the  Russian  people  have  made  in  organization 
under  the  most  unfavorable  circumstances  —  the  organiza- 
tion of  local  self-government  followed  by  the  organization  of 
local  governments  into  great  unions,  with  national  scope  and 
purpose,  which  have  been  so  efficient  in  making  possible  a 
strong  support  of  the  Russian  armies  in  the  field  during  the 
war.  And  it  is  a  knowledge  of  that  great  work  which  makes 
the  presence  of  Prince  LvoflF  as  president  of  the  Provisional 
Government  a  source  of  satisfaction,  and  of  confidence  for 
the  future. 

We  base  our  opinion  also  upon  the  evidences  of  capacity 
for  individual  enterprise  which  we  have  found  in  Russia  — 
the  capacity  to  inaugurate  and  carry  on  great  enterprises  by 
private  initiative  and  independently  of  the  government;  and 
we  base  it  still  further  upon  the  self-control,  the  essential 
kindliness,  the  tendency  toward  order  and  peaceful  relations 
among  the  men  in  all  Russian  communities.  These  are  the 
qualities  which  are  the  most  essential  for  free  government. 
All  of  those  qualities  which  have  wrecked  attempts  at  self- 
government  in  the  past  because  passion  became  supreme, 
seem  to  be  absent  from  Russian  character,  and  those  quali- 
ties which  have  made  permanent  self-government  by  the 
people,  seem  to  be  in  a  high  degree  developed  in  Russian 
character.  So  we  have  faith  in  you.  We  shall  go  back  and 
carry  a  message  of  confidence  in  the  future  of  Russia  and  a 
message  of  cheer  to  our  country,  because  we  have  no  idea  of 
a  fleeting  friendship,  but  a  certainty  of  a  permanent  and  per- 
sistent and  effective  ally  in  Russia,  in  the  great  war  upon 
which  we  have  so  recently  entered. 

You  so  very  kindly  referred  to  the  day  which  the  people  of 
the  United  States  all  celebrate.  That  day  was  marked  by 
the  American  Declaration  of  Independence  which  framed  the 


46        •  MISSION  TO  RUSSIA 

issue  in  what  was  really  civil  war  between  two  groups  of  the 
people  of  Great  Britain.  With  many  adherents  upon  both 
sides  in  the  American  colonies  and  in  England,  that  war 
completely  established  not  merely  for  the  American  colonies 
but  for  Great  Britain,  upon  a  broader  and  surer  foundation, 
the  principles  of  English  freedom;  and  Sir  George  Buchanan 
and  I  look  with  kindly  eyes  at  one  another  across  this 
table,  enjoying  the  inheritance  of  that  same  great  principle  of 
individual  freedom  which  triumphed  in  what  we  know  as  the 
American  Revolution,  That  principle  is  at  stake  again  in 
the  world  today.  Because  it  is  at  stake  again,  the  grand- 
children and  great  grandchildren  of  those  who  fought  in  the 
American  Revolution  are  joining  hands  with  each  other  for  a 
new  struggle  to  enthrone  the  principle  of  individual  liberty 
and  to  cast  down  the  principle  of  the  divine  right  of  one 
man  to  keep  a  people  in  servitude.  The  two  principles  can- 
not live  together.  The  Declaration  of  Independence  which 
marks  this  day  sets  up  the  principle  of  freedom  in  these 
words : 

That  all  men  are  created  equal,  that  they  are  endowed  by  their  Creator 
with  certain  unalienable  Rights,  that  among  these  are  Life,  Liberty  and 
the  pursuit  of  Happiness.  That  to  secure  these  rights,  Governments  are 
instituted  among  Men,  deriving  their  just  powers  from  the  consent  of  the 
governed. 

That  is  the  principle  of  democracy.  That  is  opposed  to  the 
existence  of  a  divine  right  to  govern  others.  Governments 
are  instituted  to  secure  the  unalienable  rights  of  all  men  and 
of  every  man.  The  other  principle  —  the  principle  of  autoc- 
racy is  diametrically  and  eternally  opposed  to  the  principle 
of  democracy.  The  two  principles  cannot  live  together.  The 
conflict  between  them  is  inevitable  and  eternal.  One  or  the 
other  must  conquer.  We  must  be  either  all  free  or  all  slaves; 
and  it  is  in  defense  of  that  great  and  necessary  principle  of 
human  liberty  that  the  people  of  the  United  States  abandon 


PRINCIPLES  OF  DEMOCRACY  47 

their  security,  with  no  enemy  at  their  doors,  with  no  one 
inflicting  injury  upon  their  smihng  fields  nor  on  their  rich 
towns.  It  is  in  support  of  that  principle  necessary  to  human 
liberty  that  the  people  of  the  United  States  come  to  fight,  to 
shed  their  blood  and  their  treasure  in  the  war  which  they  hate 
as  a  peace-loving  people,  in  order  that  our  children  may  all 
live  in  peace  and  in  justice  and  that  the  hateful  principle 
of  evil  that  has  come  down  from  a  dark  and  cruel  past  may  no 
longer  oppress  the  earth,  but  may  pass  away  and  the  new 
order  of  things  may  come.  No  one  can  tell  what  the  issue  of 
today  or  tomorrow  may  be!  No  one  can  tell  what  sacrifice 
and  suffering  stand  between,  but  the  ultimate  supremacy  of 
the  principle  of  human  freedom  is  as  certain  as  the  sunrise 
tomorrow.  It  cannot  be  turned  back.  It  may  be  retarded 
here  or  there  for  the  moment,  but  with  the  great  movement 
of  the  human  race,  the  conception  of  a  sovereign  power  as 
necessary  to  the  maintenance  of  order,  is  passing  away,  and 
the  conception  of  great  free  peoples  governing  and  main- 
taining order  by  the  laws  that  they  impose  upon  themselves 
is  taking  its  place;  and  the  majestic  progress  of  an  enlight- 
ened world  will  go  on  and  on  to  the  necessary  result  of  a 
triumphant  democracy  the  world  over. 

God  grant,  my  friends  and  all  of  our  allies,  that  the  day 
may  come  quickly  and  that  the  suffering  and  death  —  the 
agony  —  may  soon  end;  but  however  long  it  may  be,  we 
must  not  permit  human  freedom  to  end  —  it  is  better  to  die 
than  to  be  slaves. 


ADDRESS   AT  A   LUNCHEON   OF  THE   AMERICAN 
CLUB.  PETROGRAD,  JULY  6,  1917 

I  NEED  not  tell  you,  who  have  been  so  long  away  from 
your  home,  in  a  far  distant  land,  how  it  warms  the  hearts 
of  the  members  of  this  Diplomatic  Mission  to  find  them- 
selves once  more  in  the  atmosphere  of  America  and  Ameri- 
canism, and  to  hear  the  familiar  intonations  and  sounds  of 
that  best  of  English  which  you  have  been  speaking. 

I  think  all  of  us  received  many  messages  from  many 
friends  to  many  of  you,  delivered  almost  daily  in  conversa- 
tion, "give  my  kind  regards  to  so  and  so";  "remember 
me  to  so  and  so  ";  "I  hope  you  will  meet  so  and  so;  he  is 
a  good  fellow;  a  good  American;  knows  what  he  is  about  "; 
or  "he  can  tell  you  much  about  Russia  ";  too  many  to  be 
delivered  individually,  but  we  combine  all  of  these  messages 
of  friendship  and  old  acquaintance  in  one  message  from 
America  to  you  Americans,  and  the  message  is :  that  America 
is  awake;  awake  to  her  old  traditions;  to  her  old  ideals; 
there  has  come  back  to  your  country  the  spirit  of  the  earlier 
days,  and  you  need  have  no  fear  that  you  in  this  distant 
land  will  have  to  blush  for  your  country. 

You  know  what  has  been  done;  you  know  of  the  enroll- 
ment of  ten  million  of  the  young  men  of  America  for  military 
service;  you  know  that  forty  thousand  and  more  are  being 
trained  now  in  fourteen  different  camps  throughout  the 
country  by  the  few  officers  of  our  regular  army,  to  serve  as 
officers  in  the  greater  American  army  of  the  near  future; 
that  five  hundred  thousand  of  the  men  enrolled  are  to  be 
called  up  within  a  few  weeks  to  be  trained  by  these  officers, 
who  are  now  receiving  their  training,  and  that  then  the  pro- 

48 


ADDRESS  AT  THE  AMERICAN  CLUB  49 

cess  is  to  be  repeated;  more  officers  are  then  to  be  trained 
and  when  they  are  ready  another  five  hundred  thousand  men 
are  to  be  called  up;  that  that  process  is  to  be  repeated  as 
often  as  it  is  necessary;  you  know  that  our  ships  are  already 
in  European  waters  acting  in  concert  with  the  navies  of  our 
allies  and  protecting  the  ships  of  commerce  upon  the  seas 
against  the  submarine  attacks;  you  know  that  already 
engineer  regiments  are  in  France  aiding  in  the  preparation  of 
the  ways  of  communication,  the  railroads  for  the  carrying  of 
supplies  from  the  bases  to  the  front  of  the  French  and  Eng- 
lish lines;  you  know  that  General  Pershing  is  already  there 
making  the  arrangements  for  the  bases  and  the  lines  of  com- 
munication for  the  service  of  the  advanced  division  which  is 
to  take  its  place  under  the  Stars  and  Stripes  in  that  line  of 
terrific  conflict;  and  you  know  that  already  the  efficient  men 
in  every  branch  of  commerce,  of  industry,  of  transportation, 
of  manufacture,  of  production  of  all  kinds,  have  been  called 
to  Washington  and  are  directing  in  concert  with  the  Govern- 
ment, the  mobilization  and  massing  of  the  entire  industrial 
capacity  of  our  country  behind  the  army  which  is  in  course 
of  formation.  Never  before  has  there  been  such  unity  of  the 
brain,  the  feeling,  and  the  determination  of  the  American 
people  as  is  exhibited  now  in  our  own  country.  You  are  far 
away  from  the  scene  of  that  great  action.  It  is  impossible 
for  you  to  play  a  part  in  that;  but  you  can  yet  serve  your 
country,  serve  it  most  effectively  and  most  beneficially. 

Let  me  tell  you  that  this  Diplomatic  Mission  is  returning 
full  of  admiration  for  what  it  has  found  in  the  character  and 
the  conduct  of  the  Russian  people.  Many  things  go  wrong; 
many  things  are  done,  which  upon  the  surface  appear  to 
justify  criticism;  but  I  beg  you  to  remember  how  many 
things  in  our  own  Government  go  wrong  and  appear  to 
justify  criticism.  That  is  one  of  the  essential,  the  necessary 
characteristics  of  a  democracy  in  which  individual  freedom 


50  MISSION  TO  RUSSIA 

is  preserved,  and  is  not  sacrificed  to  that  intense  discipline 
which  destroys  self-government.  I  think  it  is  wonderful 
that  the  Russian  people  have  preserved  the  peace  and  order 
that  reigns  here  in  Russia.  We  hear  of  a  disturbance  in  this 
place,  in  that  place,  in  another  place,  but  this  is  a  vast  empire 
which  covers  a  sixth  of  the  habitable  globe,  with  a  hundred 
and  eighty  million  people,  and  when  you  withdraw  your 
attention  from  some  specific  act  of  disorder,  and  consider  how 
small  a  part  incidents  of  that  description  play  in  the  great 
life  of  a  people,  you  must  realize  that  as  a  whole,  the  self- 
control  and  consideration  for  right,  for  justice,  for  the 
rights  of  others,  displayed  in  Russia  during  these  past  few 
months  constitutes  one  of  the  wonders  of  the  world.  Search- 
ing for  the  reason,  inquiring  why  it  is  that  this  city  of  Petro- 
grad  is  so  peaceful  and  orderly  that  a  woman  at  any  time  of 
the  day  or  night  may  pass  through  the  streets  with  safety 
and  without  fear  of  molestation;  why  it  is  that  all  over  this 
land  order  is  preserved  without  the  compulsion  of  law  or  the 
force  of  the  policeman,  under  circumstances  which  we  know 
very  well  would  have  developed  widespread  disorder  and 
violence  in  our  own  country,  I  find  it  in  certain  essential  and 
inherent  qualities  of  Russian  character :  — the  quality  of 
kindly  consideration  for  others;  the  capacity  for  united 
action,  for  systematic  cooperation,  for  the  attainment  of 
specific  ends;  the  capacity  for  organization  in  local  self- 
government;  and  in  the  capacity  for  the  organization  of  the 
agencies  of  local  self-government  into  greater  organizations 
with  a  national  scope  and  purpose.  These  qualities  furnish 
the  test  for  the  capacity  of  a  people  to  govern  itself.  That  is 
the  question;  not  little  surface  matters;  not  little  peanut 
politics  (I  do  not  know  that  Mr.  Rodzianko  will  know  what 
I  mean  by  peanut  politics,  but  you  Americans  know  what 
peanut  politics  are).  The  question  of  whether  a  nation  is  to 
maintain  its  freedom  depends  upon  the  character  of  the 


ADDRESS  AT  THE  AMERICAN  CLUB  51 

people,  and  if  you  want  to  know  whether  a  people  has  hope 
for  the  future  in  self-government  find  out  its  character. 
There  is  no  more  fatal  gift  than  the  gift  of  freedom  to  a 
nation  that  is  not  ready  for  it,  and  there  is  nothing  more 
certain  than  that  a  nation  which  is  ready  for  freedom  will 
maintain  its  freedom  when  it  gets  it. 

Now  I  have  said  you  can  serve  your  country  here.  You 
can  serve  it  by  being  true  to  the  spirit  of  the  American 
democracy  here.  How  did  we  win  and  how  have  we  main- 
tained our  liberty  with  peace  and  order  ?  Not  by  our  pros- 
perity; not  by  amassing  wealth;  not  by  building  palaces; 
not  by  our  two  hundred  and  fifty  thousand  miles  of  railroad ; 
we  have  maintained  it  by  having  stout  hearts;  by  having 
faith  in  democracy;  in  the  competency  and  power  of  the 
American  democracy  to  meet  the  demands  upon  it  and  to 
solve  its  problems  and  to  win  its  fights.  It  was  so  that  our 
republic  was  built.  Our  fathers  suffered,  and  endured,  and 
sacrificed,  and  in  the  darkest  days  their  hearts  never  failed. 
We  have  seen  darker  times  than  Russia  sees  now.  We  have 
seen  times  when  the  American  dollar  was  worth  less  in  pro- 
portion to  gold  than  the  Russian  rouble  is  worth  now;  we 
have  seen  times  when  American  finance  seemed  more  desper- 
ate than  Russian  finance  is  today;  we  have  seen  the  time 
when  dissension,  disorder,  and  controversy  among  our  people 
seemed  to  be  more  bitter  than  any  dissension  or  controversy 
among  the  Russian  people  seem  to  be  now.  You  can  serve 
your  country  by  representing  in  every  oflSce  and  every  home 
in  Petrograd  and  in  Russia  to  which  an  American  comes, 
that  spirit  of  American  democracy  here  in  Russia.  Make  it 
plain  to  all;  carry  the  light  of  triumphant,  and  courageous 
and  unflinching  democracy,  and  faith  in  the  capacity  of  a 
free  people  to  maintain  their  freedom  in  every  part.  This 
great  war  has  reached  a  point  where  the  question  of  victory 
or  defeat  is  not  so  much  a  question  of  military  preparation; 


52  MISSION  TO  RUSSIA 

is  not  so  much  a  question  of  numbers  of  men,  or  of  guns,  as 
it  is  a  question  of  who  have  the  stoutest  hearts;  who  will 
faint  first;   who  will  give  up  first;   who  will  lose  faith  first. 

You  can  help  our  friends  and  allies  in  Russia  by  being 
—  you  one  hundred  Americans  here  —  each  one,  the  center 
of  influence  more  potent  than  high  explosives;  of  influ- 
ence making  for  courage,  and  hope,  and  intrepidity,  and 
undying  persistency  in  the  maintenance  of  freedom  against 
the  German  autocracy.  You  can  help  to  put  courage  into 
all  Russia;  help  to  cheer  the  despondent;  help  to  maintain 
this  government  which  is  now  carrying  Russia  through  the 
doubtful  and  diflScult  period  before  the  Constituent  Assembly 
shall  have  established  a  permanent  government  and  the 
people  begin  to  make  laws  for  themselves.  This  is  the  mis- 
sion of  all  of  you;  more  important  than  that  of  this  Diplo- 
matic Mission  which  has  come  from  America.  You  are  all  of 
you  envoys  of  your  country,  and  you  can  help  to  maintain  this 
great  alliance  and  support  the  armies  of  your  own  country 
when  they  get  into  the  field,  by  the  power  of  your  faith,  which 
can  move  mountains,  exhibited  in  your  own  proper  persons, 
in  your  intercourse  with  your  associates  and  your  friends  in 
Russia.  More  than  that,  by  your  faith  and  its  manifesta- 
tions, by  your  appreciation  of  the  qualities  that  make  for 
self-government  in  Russia,  by  your  faith  in  the  Russian 
democracy,  you  can  illustrate  and  bring  honor  to  your  people 
and  to  the  spirit  of  the  American  democracy.  You  can  make  it 
known  throughout  this  great  country  that  in  America,  Amer- 
icans believe  in  the  competency  of  the  people  to  rule;  believe 
in  the  competency  of  the  Russian  people  to  rule  themselves 
and  to  maintain  their  freedom.  You  can  have  it  understood 
in  Russia  that  the  motive  which  most  moves  America  is  not 
the  success  of  your  own  business,  is  not  the  making  of  money, 
the  promotion  of  commerce,  but  that  it  is  loyalty,  not  only 
throughout  America,  but  in  Russia,  and  the  whole  world,  to 


ADDRESS  AT  THE  AMERICAN  CLUB  53 

the  high  ideals  of  our  fathers,  the  high  ideals  of  the  American 
Republic,  for  the  lifting  up  of  the  great  mass  of  toiling  and 
enduring  men  throughout  the  world  to  freedom  and  oppor- 
tunity and  peace  and  justice.  Then,  indeed,  America  will  be 
honored  and  beloved  here  and  everywhere  in  the  civilized 
world. 


I 


ADDRESS  AT  A  MEETING  OF   THE  COMMITTEE   OF 

LIQUIDATION  OF  THE  AFFAIRS  OF  POLAND 

PETROGRAD,  JULY  7,  1917 

IN  behalf  of  all  of  my  associates  on  the  Diplomatic  Mission 
which  is  now  about  concluding  its  visit  to  Russia,  I  thank 
you,  both  for  the  kindly  greeting  with  which  you  have 
received  us,  for  your  courtesy  and  friendship,  and  for  the 
appropriate  and  appreciative  words  in  which  you  have 
described  the  character  of  our  country  and  the  character  of 
that  President  who  is  now  in  the  forefront  of  the  great  battle 
for  human  liberty. 

There  are  many  reasons  why  representatives  of  the  free 
people  of  the  United  States  should  be  most  appreciative  of 
this  greeting  from  the  men  of  Poland.  It  is  not  merely  that 
as  children  we  were  taught  to  revere  and  honor  the  names  of 
Kosciusko  and  Pulaski  who,  with  others,  many  others,  of  the 
same  blood,  aided  us  one  hundred  and  forty  years  ago  in 
the  hard  struggle  of  the  impoverished  colonies  of  America 
to  achieve  their  liberty;  it  is  not  alone  that  hundreds  of 
thousands  of  Poles  have  sought  opportunity  and  liberty  in 
our  free  country,  and  by  their  industry,  their  probity,  their 
good  citizenship,  and  their  high  character,  have  elevated  our 
conception  of  the  character  and  genius  of  Poland.  It  is  also 
because  as  lovers  of  liberty,  Poles  have  worked  with  the 
forces  of  civilization  to  advance  all  that  is  noblest  and  best 
in  humanity,  that  we  look  back  with  reverence  and  with  joy 
to  the  great  examples  that  Poland  has  given  to  the  world. 
It  is  what  you  have  done  for  us,  —  because  your  citizens  are 
with  us,  and  because  of  what  you  have  done  for  humanity, 
that  we  are  proud  to  be  honored  by  you  now. 


AFFAIRS  OF  POLAND  55 

You  know  that  the  people  of  the  United  States  have  lately 
taken  the  hard  decision  to  enter  the  great  world  war.  It  was 
difficult  for  us  to  do  it,  because  we  are  a  peaceful  people.  No 
one  had  invaded  our  country ;  no  one  appeared  to  be  taking 
away  our  liberty;  but  we  came,  step  by  step,  as  we  watched 
the  process  of  this  great  struggle,  to  realize  that  it  was  not 
merely  the  interests  of  the  Allies  in  Europe  that  were  at 
stake,  but  that  the  liberty  of  mankind  was  at  stake,  —  your 
liberty  and  ours  equally,  and  so,  still  preserving  in  the  midst 
of  our  wealth,  prosperity  and  ease,  those  great  ideals  that 
made  America  free,  we  determined  that  it  was  our  duty  to  be 
ready  to  sacrifice  treasure  and  life,  in  order  that  the  world 
might  live  free  from  oppression. 

We  are  with  you  to  fight  for  our  freedom;  happy  to  fight 
also  for  the  freedom  of  that  great  nation  which  has  given  to 
us  so  much  of  genius;  which  has  given  to  the  world  philo- 
sophers and  sages,  poets  and  musicians;  which  has  been 
the  admiration  of  mankind,  but  has  for  so  long  mourned  for 
its  own  home  and  been  an  outcast  from  its  roof-tree  and  its 
ancient  abiding  place.  We  are  happy  that  we  can  fight  with 
you,  while  you  seek  to  secure  again  your  birthright,  and  to 
take  again  your  place  among  the  nations  of  the  world  which 
you  so  well  deserve. 

The  policy  of  the  Government  of  the  United  States  has 
been  not  to  permit  any  divisions  in  its  military  forces.  It  was 
determined  that  we  would  not  allow  even  the  division  which 
would  necessarily  accompany  military  organizations  upon 
national  or  racial  lines,  to  interfere  with  the  efficiency  of  our 
forces.  We  are  raising  a  great  army  of  Americans  which  will 
include  Poles  and  Scandinavians  and  Irish  and  French  and 
Italians  and  English,  and  the  people  of  every  blood  on  the 
face  of  the  earth,  all  in  one  firmly  knitted  and  united  army, 
that  its  efficiency  may  be  the  greatest  possible.  But  for  that 
I  am  sure  you  would  find  great  Polish  legions  organizing  in 


56  MISSION  TO  RUSSIA 

America.  But  I  am  sure  that  the  world  will  see  many  thou- 
sands of  Poles  coming  from  the  citizenship  of  the  United 
States,  fighting  under  our  Stars  and  Stripes,  happy  to  meet 
danger  and  glad  to  die,  if  need  be,  for  the  liberty  of  their 
adopted  country,  and  for  the  liberty  of  their  fatherland. 

Union  and  strength,  —  all  united  without  division  or  dis- 
tinction, —  is  the  watchword  under  which  we  may  best 
accomplish  the  great  result  we  all  seek.  Our  way  is  clear. 
No  doubt  need  beset  us  or  make  our  steps  to  falter.  We 
know,  all  of  us  know,  that  liberty  is  impossible,  either  for  us 
or  others,  in  the  neighborhood  of  the  military  autocracy  of 
Germany.  We  know,  all  of  us  know,  that  no  Poland  can 
arise  again  from  the  ashes  of  the  past  if  that  military  autoc- 
racy is  dominant  in  Europe;  and  our  pathway  is  clear. 
Germany  must  be  defeated,  and  Poles  and  Americans  alike 
will  do  their  duty  to  accomplish  this  great  defeat.  Ah! 
happy  men,  happy  men  whose  lot  has  fallen  in  this  great 
era!  Happy  men  who,  after  all  these  long  years,  after  these 
many  generations  of  helplessness  and  despair,  at  last,  at  last, 
find  it  in  your  lives  to  make  your  sacrifices  for  the  liberty  of 
Poland.  Ah!  God  is  good  to  you,  God  is  good  to  you  that 
you  live  now,  not  in  the  dark  and  hopeless  days  of  the  past 
and  not  in  the  future,  where  our  children  will  only  have  to 
look  back  to  the  great  deeds  which  will  set  the  name  and  the 
fame  and  military  genius  of  Poland  again  on  the  pedestal,  as 
high  as  that  on  which  Poland  stood  when  it  rescued  Christen- 
dom from  the  hordes  of  the  Moslem  invader.  My  congratu- 
lations to  you  all.  America  congratulates  you  all,  and 
America  will  be  proud  upon  that  great  day  when  a  renewed 
Poland  shall  take  its  place  among  the  free  self-governments 
of  the  world  by  the  side  of  free  democratic  America. 


ADDRESS  BEFORE  A  LARGE  BODY  OF  RUSSIAN 
SOLDIERS  AT  PERM,  JULY  13,  1917 

MY  companions  and  I  are  a  Mission  from  the  demo- 
cratic republic  of  America  to  the  Russian  people.  We 
came  across  the  sea  to  Russia  to  say  to  the  Russian 
people  that  Americans  are  their  friends,  and  have  gone 
into  this  great  war  to  fight  with  Russians  for  the  liberty  of 
Russia  and  of  America  against  the  overbearing  and  oppres- 
sive military  autocracy  of  Germany.  When  we  came  we  were 
alarmed  by  the  confusion  which  had  followed  your  glorious 
revolution.  You  had  gained  your  freedom;  you  had  cast 
off  the  discipline  of  the  superior  powers  of  the  bureaucratic 
government  that  oppressed  you;  you  had  not  yet  gained 
that  new  discipline,  that  new  capacity  to  work  together  for 
a  common  object,  which  comes  with  the  training  and  experi- 
ence of  free  self-government.  There  was  confusion;  there 
was  lack  of  that  discipline  which  is  necessary  to  enable  an 
army  to  fight  successfully  and  to  win  victories  over  its 
enemy.  But,  God  be  praised,  you  are  now  acquiring  that 
discipline  and  capacity  to  work  together  for  victory  over 
your  enemy.  God  sent  a  great  man  to  be  your  leader  in 
Kerensky,  and  under  his  leadership,  under  his  appeals  to  the 
soldiers  at  the  front,  discipline  has  been  restored.  And 
under  that  great  general,  whose  fame  will  live  forever, 
Brusiloff,  under  the  lead  of  Brusiloff  at  the  front,  the  soldiers 
of  Russia  on  the  18th  of  June  marched  again  against  the 
German  foe;  and  on  the  18th  of  June  the  Russian  army 
advanced  with  perfect  discipline,  with  perfect  enthusiasm, 
with  perfect  courage,  and  won  another  victory,  as  glorious  as 
any  ever  won  by  Russian  arms,  because  it  was  a  victory  over 

67 


58  MISSION  TO  RUSSIA 

the  forces  that  were  tending  to  destroy  Russian  diseipHne, 
and  a  victory  over  the  enemy  as  well.  That  discipline,  that 
spirit,  that  capacity  to  fight  together  against  the  enemy,  has 
appeared  throughout  the  entire  front  from  Riga  to  the 
Caucasus  and  Persia.  When  you  reach  the  front  you  will 
come  to  an  army  that  is  inspired  by  love  for  Russia;  an 
army  steadied  by  renewed  confidence  in  its  superior  oflBcers 
who  are  leading  it  to  victory,  and  an  army  that  is  inspired 
by  the  determination  to  maintain  the  liberty  you  have 
won  by  your  great  revolution.  Let  me  tell  you  that  your 
liberty  cannot  be  preserved  unless  you  are  willing  to  make 
sacrifices  for  it,  to  fight  for  it,  to  risk  your  lives  for  it.  I 
tell  you  this  because  I  come  from  a  people  who  won  their 
liberty  one  hundred  and  forty  years  ago  and  have  been 
struggling  to  maintain  it  ever  since.  Your  liberty  which  you 
have  today  will  be  taken  from  you  unless  you  have  the 
strength  and  the  courage  to  maintain  it.  No  one  in  this 
world,  no  nation,  ever  kept  its  liberty  unless  it  had  the 
strength  and  the  courage  and  will  to  defend  it.  You  are 
going  to  the  front  to  fight  with  brave  comrades,  under  great 
generals,  for  the  greatest  cause  on  earth;  the  liberty,  the 
equality  and  the  independent  manhood  of  the  one  hundred 
and  eighty  million  people  of  free  Russia.  As  you  fight,  will- 
ing to  die  if  need  be,  you  are  helping  to  hand  down  to  your 
children  and  your  children's  children,  the  liberty  that  you 
have  won  and  that  you  are  preserving.  As  you  go  to  the 
front,  as  you  go  into  battle,  we  pray  that  God's  blessings  may 
go  with  you  and  keep  you  safe,  and  enable  you  to  do  the  full 
service  of  free  men  for  your  free  country. 


ADDRESS  BEFORE  A  GATHERING  OF  SOLDIERS  AND 
CITIZENS  AT  NAZUVAESKAYA,  JULY  14,  1917 

UPON  this  train  are  the  members  of  a  Mission  sent 
across  the  sea  from  America,  half-way  around  the 
world,  to  bring  a  message  of  friendship  and  loyal  com- 
radeship to  the  democracy  of  Russia.  In  that  distant 
land  young  men  are  gathering,  as  you  are  gathered,  to 
fight  for  liberty,  for  American  liberty  and  Russian  liberty, 
against  the  common  foe,  the  military  autocracy  of  Ger- 
many; and  they  will  fight,  as  you  will  fight  to  the  end, 
until  victory  crowns  the  flag  of  freedom  in  the  battle  against 
oppression  and  autocracy.  More  than  one  hundred  years 
ago  on  this  great  day  the  people  of  France,  the  plain  people 
of  France,  began  their  wonderful  fight  for  their  liberty  which 
they  still  maintain  under  the  same  flag  under  which  they 
fought  for  it,  to  the  sound  of  the  same  air  that  you  have  been 
playing  here  today,  the  Marseillaise.  With  their  sufferings 
and  sacrifices,  with  their  blood,  it  was  the  people  of  France 
who  taught  you  and  taught  us  that  those  who  deserve 
liberty  must  be  willing  to  fight  for  it.  You  and  we  will  still 
fight,  side  by  side,  with  the  men  of  France,  for  their  liberty 
and  ours,  and  you  and  we  will  continue  the  struggle  until  we 
know  that  our  children  will  inherit  our  lands  in  freedom, 
subject  to  no  autocrat,  subject  to  no  oppressive  class;  free 
men,  each  one  his  own  master,  the  master  of  his  own  fate; 
until  a  great,  free,  and  happy  people  shall  govern  them- 
selves under  the  law  of  justice  and  of  liberty.  Our  blessings 
go  with  you,  young  men  of  Russia,  as  you  go  to  fight  your 
country's  battles,  and  the  world's  battles,  for  the  noblest 


60  MISSION  TO  RUSSIA 

cause  that  ever  lifted  up  the  head  of  man,  and  inspired  him 
with  deeds  of  valor  and  made  him  indifferent  to  death.  To 
you  we  pledge  the  cooperation,  the  aid,  the  comradeship  of 
the  men,  the  young  men,  of  free  democratic  America  until  the 
glorious  day  of  victory. 


ADDRESS  AT  A  RECEPTION  BY  THE  CITY  OF 
SEATTLE,  AUGUST  4,  1917 

THIS  Diplomatic  Mission  which  is  now  returning  from  its 
long  and  fatiguing  journey  to  our  new  sister  republic  on 
the  other  side  of  the  world  is  deeply  grateful  for  this  generous 
welcome  back  to  our  country. 

It  is  our  country,  though  each  one  of  us  is  far  from  his  own 
fireside.  It  is  our  country  because  on  the  Atlantic  and  the 
Pacific,  in  the  Alleghenies  and  the  Sierras,  on  the  Mississippi 
and  the  Hudson  and  the  Columbia,  there  prevail  the  same 
standard  of  independent  manhood,  the  same  love  of  justice, 
the  same  indomitable  determination  to  be  free,  and  the 
loyalty  to  the  same  ideals  that  have  made  America  the 
greatest  union  for  liberty  and  justice  the  world  has  ever 
seen.  This  is  our  country  and  it  is  our  home  and  you,  men 
and  women  of  Seattle,  are  our  brothers  and  our  sisters  in 
the  great  brotherhood  of  civilization,  of  humanity,  of 
Christianity. 

This  is  a  diplomatic  mission  and  it  is  not  suitable  that  in 
advance  of  reporting  to  the  Department  of  State,  from  which 
we  have  come,  we  should  talk  to  you  or  to  anybody  about  the 
special  circumstances  or  conclusions  of  our  Mission.  But 
I  cannot  refrain  from  saying  that  we  bring  back  from  Russia 
a  deep  sympathy  for  the  efforts  of  that  young  democracy 
which  is  struggling  now  month  by  month  with  the  hard 
problems  that  we  have  taken  one  hundred  and  forty  years  to 
solve  and  have  not  yet  solved.  We  bring  back  not  only  a 
deep  sympathy,  but  a  sincere  admiration  for  the  qualities 
of  Russian  character.  We  have  found  the  Russians  kindly, 
considerate  of  the  rights  and  feeHngs  of  others,  with  a 

SI 


62  MISSION  TO  RUSSIA 

high  capacity  for  self-control,  with  an  extraordinary  ability 
for  united  action  and  with  a  noble  idealism  that  leads  always 
in  the  better  way  towards  higher  things;  and  we  have  an 
abiding  faith  that  Russia,  through  trials  and  tribulations, 
indeed,  which  she  cannot  escape,  will  work  out,  create  and 
make  perpetual  a  great  free,  self-governing,  democratic 
government. 

In  Russia,  almost  within  the  sound  of  the  guns,  I  think  we 
got  a  little  nearer  to  the  truth  that  lies  in  the  great  war  upon 
which  our  country  has  just  entered.  I  think  we  bring  back 
a  deeper  realization  of  some  things  which  it  has  been  hard  for 
the  people  of  the  United  States  to  appreciate.  We  see  now 
why  it  is  that  all  the  world  is  at  war.  We  see  that  for  cen- 
turies we  have  been  building  up  a  structure  of  civilization. 
We  have  fondly  believed  that  the  world  was  growing  better, 
more  humane,  more  just,  more  devoted  to  justice,  more  will- 
ing to  permit  our  fellow-men  to  enjoy  freedom.  We  have 
believed  that  the  old  dark  days  of  cruelty  and  tyranny  were 
passed  away;  and  the  nations  of  the  earth  year  by  year  have 
entered  into  solemn  covenants  to  observe  more  nearly  those 
divine  precepts  under  which  we  all  profess  to  live.  For  that 
cause  of  the  upward  progress  of  humanity  along  the  pathway 
of  civilization  to  a  true  Christian  life,  our  fathers  fought  and 
suffered.  In  that  cause  our  American  republic  was  born  and 
struggled  and  agonized,  and  all  that  is  best  and  truest  in 
American  nature  was  evolved  in  the  course  of  its  aid  and  in 
efforts  towards  advancing  that  cause  of  humanity  and 
civilization. 

We  see  now  more  clearly  than  ever  before  that  a  great 
military  power,  a  great  military  autocracy,  proceeding  upon 
the  principle,  animated  by  the  spirit,  avowing  the  purpose  of 
the  dark  and  cruel  past,  has  thrown  down  the  gauntlet  to  the 
civihzation  and  the  liberty  of  our  day.  We  see  that  Germany 
repudiates  the  rule  of  morality  upon  nations;   that  the  con- 


ADDRESS  AT  SEATTLE  63 

trol  of  law,  the  law  of  nations  to  which  she  has  solemnly 
agreed,  is  east  aside  the  moment  her  interest  conflicts  with  it; 
that  the  faith  of  treaties,  the  solemn,  binding  faith  of  treaties, 
that  faith  without  which  human  society  cannot  endure 
except  as  a  society  of  slaves  subject  to  despotism,  the  faith  of 
treaties  is  repudiated  and  held  as  naught.  We  see  that  all 
those  rules  which  a  kindly  civilization  has  agreed  upon  in  the 
past  to  ameliorate  the  horrors  of  war  are  cast  aside  with 
cynical  indifference.  We  see  that  for  the  sake  of  ambition, 
of  lust  for  military  glory,  laws  are  violated,  treaties  held  as 
naught,  peaceful  nations  are  overrun,  the  rule  of  morality  is 
repudiated,  the  laws  of  humanity  are  forgotten;  burned 
homes  and  devastated  lands,  outraged  women  and  murdered 
children,  mark  the  pathway  by  which  this  reincarnation  of 
cruelty  and  barbarism  is  marching  to  the  domination  of  the 
world.  We  see  now  that  the  principles  of  good  and  evil,  the 
principles  of  liberty  and  slavery,  the  principles  of  humanity 
and  cruelty  have  locked  horns  in  a  conflict  which  cannot  be 
downed.  We  see  that  the  ideals  of  our  fathers  in  this  republic 
must  go  down  to  earth  before  the  triumphant  march  of  this 
German  Moloch,  or  the  men  who  are  loyal  to  those  ideals 
must  muster  their  manhood  in  their  support. 

It  is  not  a  matter  of  sentiment,  of  something  far  away.  As 
sure  as  the  sun  shall  rise  tomorrow,  if  this  war  ends  with  the 
triumph  of  Germany,  this  country  will  become  a  subject 
nation,  for  the  principles  and  the  temper  of  the  German 
people  —  of  the  German  ruling  class  I  should  say  —  ever 
reaching  out  for  more  power  will  turn,  aye,  it  has  turned  its 
eyes  toward  the  fertile  fields,  the  vast  wealth  and  the  great 
unpeopled  spaces  of  this  rich  and  defenseless  hemisphere. 
Leave  your  wealth  on  the  sidewalk  and  trust  that  the  passing 
thief  will  refrain  from  taking  it;  send  your  richly  laden  ships 
to  sea  and  trust  that  the  pirate  will  let  them  pass  without 
interference,  rather  than  let  America  remain  rich  beyond  the 


64  MISSION  TO  RUSSIA 

dreams  of  avarice  and  unwilling  or  incompetent  to  defend 
herself.  Ah !  We  are  none  too  soon  in  beginning  our  prepara- 
tion for  the  preservation  of  our  liberty.  There  will  be  sacri- 
fices. Ah,  yes !  They  will  be  bitter.  There  will  be  wounds  and 
death.  Some  of  us  will  die.  There  will  be  orphaned  children 
and  widowed  homes.  There  will  be  straitened  means,  sac- 
rifices of  comfort.  There  will  be  discouragement  and  doubt 
and  almost  despair,  but  in  the  end  there  will  be  a  great  free 
country  re-made  in  the  spirit  of  our  fathers  and  competent 
to  perform  its  divine  mission  of  carrying  liberty  and  justice 
throughout  the  earth. 

I  have  been  thinking  as  I  drove  about  the  streets  of  your 
splendid  city  this  morning,  of  that  great  migration  which 
saved  this  noble  and  smiling  land  to  our  American  republic. 
I  have  been  thinking  of  that  worn  and  travel-stained  and 
wearied  procession  that  came  across  the  long  trail  in  the 
forties  and  saved  the  Oregon  country  for  the  United  States 
by  taking  possession  of  it  in  the  name  of  the  American 
republic. 

This  noble  city,  these  splendid  palaces,  your  comfort  and 
your  luxury,  all  rest  upon  the  endurance,  the  hardships,  the 
sacrifices  and  suffering  of  those  early  pioneers.  It  is  not 
the  possession  that  counts;  it  is  the  building.  It  is  not  your 
luxury  and  your  comforts,  it  is  not  your  palaces  and 
your  wonderful  railroads,  that  toughen  the  sinews  and  ener- 
gize the  brain  cells  and  broaden  the  view  and  give  indom- 
itable courage  to  manhood,  that  make  a  state  like  this.  It  is 
the  hard  work,  the  early  sacrifices,  the  sufferings  —  and  the 
liberty  that  is  founded  upon  hardship,  upon  sacrifices  and 
upon  sufferings.  It  is  not  only  eternal  vigilance  which  is  the 
price  of  liberty;  it  is  eternal  struggle  which  is  the  price  of 
liberty.  The  test,  the  first  and  great  test,  is  not  between 
German  troops  and  American  troops,  or  German  troops  and 
French  and  Russian  troops.     It  is  between  the  great  and 


ADDRESS  AT  SEATTLE  65 

noble  qualities  of  American  nature  and  the  degrading  ten- 
dencies that  come  with  luxury  and  wealth  and  prosperity  and 
tend  to  drag  men  down  from  effort  and  from  sacrifice. 

We  are  in  this  war  and  we  have  got  to  stay  in  it,  and  we 
have  got  to  go  on  with  it,  and  we  have  got  to  make  our  sacri- 
fices, because  we  are  fighting  for  our  own  liberty.  We  are 
fighting  for  the  deliverance  of  this  dear  country  of  ours  whose 
freedom  and  justice  have  given  us  all  our  opportunities  and 
which  we  would  hand  down  undivided  and  unimpaired  to 
our  children's  children. 

Do  not  argue  about  the  cause  of  the  war.  Do  not  argue 
about  why  we  are  in  the  war  or  whether  we  should  be  in  the 
war.  Do  not  argue  the  whys  and  wherefores,  but  realize 
this,  that  the  time  has  now  come  when  America's  liberty, 
America's  justice,  the  independence  and  freedom  of  every 
one  of  us,  is  a  stake  for  which  we  must  fight.  If  we  are  not  all 
hypocrites,  if  all  our  profession  of  love  for  country,  if  all  our 
devotion  to  the  ideals  of  the  fathers  be  not  rank  hypocrisy, 
now  when  the  great  test  has  come  we  will  gird  our  loins  and 
go  into  the  battle  with  whole  and  fearless  hearts  and  fight  for 
America  as  no  people  ever  fought  before. 


ADDRESS  AT  A  RECEPTION  BY  THE  CITY  OF 
NEW  YORK,  CITY  HALL,  AUGUST  15.  1917 

A  great  popular  reception  at  the  City  Hall  was  tendered  to  the  Russian  Mission 
by  Mayor  Mitchel  upon  its  arrival  in  New  York  City,  August  15,  1917.  The 
welcoming  address  was  made  by  the  Honorable  Oscar  S.  Straus,  chairman  of  the 
Mayor's  committee,  who  said  among  other  things: 

It  will  ever  be  remembered  that  America  was  first  among  the  nations  to 

extend  its  official  recognition  to  the  new  Russia,  and  to  welcome  her  to  the 

family  of  democratic  nations.    The  President  deemed  it  of  the  first  importance 

to  interpret  the  spirit  of  our  great  democracy,  with  its  trials,  struggles,  and 

triumphs,  to  our  youngest  co-partner  and  ally,  and  he  selected  from  among  all 

our  citizens  the  foremost  of  our  constructive  statesmen,  and  placed  him  at  the 

head  of  this  important  and  extraordinary  Mission. 

Then  the  Mayor  presented  to  Mr.  Root  the  first  medal  of  valor  of  the  National 

Arts  Club,  awarded  to  Mr.  Root  for  his  acceptance  of  what  the  Mayor  called  "  the 

very  real  hazards  of  this  Mission."    He  then  introduced  Mr.  Root,  who  spoke  as 

follows: 

THIS  medal  is  the  first  object  of  desire,  the  first  fruit  of 
this  Mission,  which  has  not  been  shared  with  perfect 
equality  among  all  the  nine  members  of  the  mission.  I  hope 
that  it  will  not  prove  a  golden  apple  of  discord  among  us.  I 
must  attribute  the  selection  of  myself  as  its  recipient  to  that 
friendship  that  is  so  grateful  to  the  heart  among  the  people  of 
my  own  home.  I  beg  you,  sir,  to  convey  to  the  National  Arts 
Club  an  expression  of  my  sincere  and  grateful  appreciation 
for  the  undeserved  honor  which  they  have  done  me. 

The  duty  which  was  imposed  upon  the  special  Diplomatic 
Mission  to  Russia  was  one  of  very  great  importance  and  signi- 
ficance, but  its  performance  required  no  extraordinary 
qualities  and  involved  no  extraordinary  merit.  The  way  was 
plain  and  we  had,  each  one  of  us,  merely  to  do  our  bit  as  best 
we  could  in  the  discharge  of  a  simple  and  imperative  duty. 
We  did  the  best  we  knew  how.     We  did  it  with  the  most 


ADDRESS  AT  NEW  YORK  CITY  HALL  67 

perfect  harmony  and  with  whatever  strength  comes  from 
united  action.  Drawn  from  all  parts  of  the  country,  selected 
with  an  evident  purpose  to  represent  different  points  of  view 
of  the  American  people  —  a  soldier,  a  sailor,  a  manufacturer, 
a  retired  capitalist,  a  banker,  a  labor  leader,  a  socialist,  a 
religious  worker,  a  New  York  lawyer  —  we  all  were  abso- 
lutely united  in  our  conception  of  the  spirit  of  our  mission 
and  in  the  union  of  effort  to  perform  our  duty.  Yet  it  is 
inexpressibly  grateful  to  us,  sir,  that  in  this  great  city  to 
which  we  now  return,  we  are  thought  to  have  done  useful 
service,  and  that  the  belief  in  the  usefulness  of  our  service  is 
suflSciently  strong  to  move  you  and  the  distinguished  citizens 
of  New  York  who  are  about  this  circle  to  this  outward 
manifestation  of  approval. 

It  is  not  the  first  time  that  the  importance  of  the  cause  has 
been  transferred  to  the  individuals  who  have  represented  the 
cause.  It  was  a  great  cause,  it  was  a  great  errand.  There 
never  was  in  history  a  people  finding  itself  in  a  more  difficult 
and  perilous  position  than  the  people  of  Russia  found  them- 
selves in  a  few  months  ago.  When  the  Czar  was  removed  and 
his  government  was  driven  out,  there  was  left  a  great  people 
of  one  hundred  and  eighty  million,  covering  a  vast  territory, 
without  a  government.  They  had  never  been  taught  to  govern 
themselves.  They  had  no  institutions  of  national  self-govern- 
ment; and  no  people,  no  democracy  can  govern  itself  except 
through  institutions  of  government.  The  hundred  and 
eighty  million  people  of  Russia  were  left  without  a  govern- 
ment by  the  dethronement  of  the  Czar,  and  they  were  left 
without  any  institutions  of  self-government.  They  had, 
moreover,  in  general,  no  knowledge,  no  intimate  and  personal 
knowledge  of  the  methods  and  the  necessities  of  self-govern- 
ment. The  great  body  of  the  people  were  wholly  ignorant 
of  how  to  carry  on  a  national  government  for  themselves. 
They  had  been  accustomed  to  receive  orders  and  to  obey. 


68  MISSION  TO  RUSSIA 

They  had  no  habits  of  thought  which  would  enable  them,  the 
great  body  of  them,  to  evolve  institutions  through  which  to 
govern.  And  so  this  vast  people  who  had  never  been  per- 
mitted to  speak  or  write  or  think  upon  self-government  were 
left  confused,  bewildered,  gathering  in  little  groups  in  aim- 
less and  endless  discussion. 

Then  came  the  propaganda  of  the  extreme  socialists  and 
anarchists,  of  the  internationals,  the  analogue  in  Russia 
to  the  I.  W.  W.  of  this  country;  the  men  whose  motto  is 
that  the  worst  is  the  best;  the  men  who  seek  to  destroy 
the  industrial  organization  of  the  world,  to  destroy  the 
nationalism  of  the  world  with  a  far-off  dream  in  its  place  of 
a  universal  brotherhood  to  govern  all  the  world  in  har- 
mony and  peace.  These  men  were  aided  by  thousands  who 
had  swarmed  back  to  Russia  from  America,  thousands 
who  returned  vilifying  and  abusing  the  land  that  gave  them 
refuge,  gave  them  security,  gave  them  liberty  to  think  and 
speak  and  act.  These  refugees  returned  to  Russia  declaring 
America  to  be  as  tyrannous  as  the  Czar,  and  calling  for  the 
destruction,  not  for  the  setting-up,  of  competent  government 
in  Russia,  and  for  the  destruction  of  all  governments,  of 
America,  of  England,  of  France,  of  Italy,  and  incidentally 
of  Germany.  They  poisoned  the  minds  of  the  working-men, 
and  of  peasants  and  of  soldiers.  Their  definite  and  distinct 
object  was  to  destroy  the  whole  industrial  and  national 
system  of  Russia.  And  they  had  power  in  Petrograd,  for 
there  at  the  beginning  the  garrison  adhered  to  them. 

Into  this  condition  of  vast  confusion  and  bewilderment 
was  thrust  a  great  German  propaganda.  Thousands  of  Ger- 
man agents  swarmed  over  the  line  immediately  upon  the 
coming  of  the  revolution.  They  awakened  all  the  pro- 
Germans  in  Russia.  They  spent  money  like  water.  Millions 
upon  millions  were  used.  They  bought  people;  they  bribed 
people;    they  bought  newspapers;    they  established  news- 


ADDRESS  AT  NEW  YORK  CITY  HALL  69 

papers;  they  circulated  literature;  they  went  to  and  fro 
among  the  troops  at  the  front.  They  said,  "  Why  go  on 
jfighting  ?  This  was  the  Czar's  war;  it  was  not  your  war; 
why  go  on  ?  Let  us  have  peace."  The  people  of  Russia, 
the  soldiers  of  Russia,  were  wearied  of  war,  like  all  the  rest 
of  Europe,  and  peace  seemed  so  desirable  to  them  that  for 
the  moment  it  seemed  as  if  this  German  propaganda  had 
captured  Russia,  had  done  what  her  arms  never  could  do,  cap- 
tured Russia.  The  internationals,  the  extremists,  who  were 
preaching  a  great  world  union  of  human  freedom,  made 
common  cause  with  the  bribing  and  insidious  agents  of  the 
German  autocracy  to  overcome  the  freedom  of  Russia. 
Against  these  influences,  in  an  attempt  to  build  up  a  new 
republic,  with  the  enemy  at  their  gates,  and  the  insidious 
influences  sapping  all  their  power,  a  few  men  in  Russia  made 
the  bravest,  noblest,  most  gallant  fight  of  our  time  for  the 
safety  of  human  freedom  and  the  building  up  of  free  self- 
government  in  their  country. 

It  was  the  function  of  this  Mission  not  merely  to  carry  a 
message  of  friendship  and  good  feeling  from  the  United 
States  to  Russia.  As  events  developed  before  we  reached 
Russia,  it  became  the  function  of  this  group  of  American 
citizens  to  carry  to  the  people  of  Russia  a  message  of  faith 
in  democracy;  to  say  to  them,  "  Take  heart,  be  of  good  cheer, 
faint  not,  despair  not.  We  say  to  you  from  the  hundred 
million  free  people  of  America,  who  for  one  hundred  and  forty 
years  have  been  fighting  the  battles  of  democracy,  that  there 
lives  a  power  in  democracy  that  will  overcome  all  evil,  and 
it  is  with  you,  and  with  it  you  will  triumph."  It  was  the 
function  of  this  Mission  to  put  courage  and  hope  into  many 
a  faint  heart,  to  point  out  that  the  way  to  safety  led  through 
the  support,  the  earnest  and  active  support  of  the  existing 
provisional  government  of  Russia;  that  no  oratory,  that 
no  aimless  theorizing  could  answer  the  purpose,  but  that 


70  MISSION  TO  RUSSIA 

there  must  be  government,  and  that  the  government  they 
had  must  be  supported,  sustained,  promoted,  strengthened,  if 
they  would  be  free.  Little  by  little  that  government,  begin- 
ning with  no  power,  a  government  merely  of  moral  suasion, 
with  no  force  to  execute  a  decree,  gathering  to  itself  the 
forces  of  Russian  thought  and  character,  acquired  the  power, 
gradually  secured  confidence,  secured  the  support  of  the 
garrison  in  Petrograd,  began  to  restore  discipline,  to  restore 
a  consciousness  that  freedom  was  not  that  every  man  should 
do  what  he  pleased,  but  that  freedom  was  order,  freedom 
was  the  reciprocal  limitation  of  individual  liberty.  That 
government,  gathering  slowly  the  forces  of  Russia,  at  last 
came  to  the  point  where  it  was  able  to  lift  up  its  hand  and 
say,  "  The  time  has  come  when  those  who  fight  against  us 
must  take  up  the  sword,  for  they  will  perish  by  the  sword." 
Since  our  departure  from  Petrograd,  processes  that  began 
before  have  been  going  on  along  the  lines  that  were  explained 
to  us  before  we  left  that  country,  and  the  results  that  the 
government  then  had  in  mind  have  been  worked  out  and  are 
manifest  today,  with  Kerensky,  that  man  of  conviction,  of 
intense  purpose,  of  tremendous  personality,  devoted  to  his 
great  cause  to  the  last  drop  of  his  blood.  Kerensky,  who, 
when  we  were  there,  was  agreed  upon  by  the  members  of  the 
government  for  his  present  position,  now  rules  the  destinies 
of  Russia;  and  with  him  in  the  government  are  wise, 
prudent,  sagacious  men  of  affairs. 

I  know  of  no  greater  exhibition  of  competency  in  construc- 
tive government  than  has  been  given  to  the  world  by  the 
provisional  government  of  Russia  during  the  past  three 
months.  So  we  have  come  back  with  faith  in  Russia,  faith 
in  the  qualities  of  character  that  are  the  essential  tests  of 
competency  for  self-government,  faith  in  the  purpose,  the 
persistency  and  the  power  of  the  Russian  people  to  keep 
themselves  free.    And  they  know  that  they  cannot  be  free. 


ADDRESS  AT  NEW  YORK  CITY  HALL  71 

that  they  cannot  build  up  a  structure  of  government  based 
upon  and  conforming  to  the  life  and  character  and  genius  of 
the  Russian  people,  if  Germany  is  allowed  to  dominate  in 
their  land.  They  know  it  well.  I  do  not  know  what  the  result 
of  military  operations  will  be;  no  man  can  forecast  that;  but 
I  do  know  that  Russia  has  found  herself;  she  has  found  her- 
self, and  on  every  field,  military  and  civil,  she  will  give  a  good 
account  of  herself  to  the  democratic  world;  and  we  need  not 
blush  for  having  extended  our  hand  to  her  in  friendship  and 
brotherhood. 

I  have  said  that  it  was  the  function  of  this  Diplomatic  Mis- 
sion to  take  to  the  Russian  people  a  message  of  faith  in 
democracy.  My  friends,  we  return  to  America  to  repeat  that 
message.  Here,  as  there,  a  German  propaganda  is  seeking  to 
sap  the  strength  of  this  free  democracy.  Here,  as  there,  Ger- 
man money  is  percolating  throughout  the  country,  buying 
men  here  and  buying  men  there,  inspiring  the  press  here  and 
the  press  there,  building  up  a  great  concealed  structure  of  real 
treason.  Here,  as  there,  there  are  weak  sentimentalists  who, 
speaking  for  peace  and  justice  and  harmony  among  men, 
lend  themselves  to  the  support  and  advancement  of  the  most 
terrible  enemy  that  peace  and  justice  and  harmony  and 
humanity  have  had  since  Genghis  Khan  fell.  Here,  as  there, 
there  are  men  who  proclaim  their  patriotism  and  sell  their 
country.  But  here,  as  there,  the  time  is  at  hand  when  the 
power  of  a  democracy,  long-suffering,  indecisive  at  first,  will 
gather  to  a  point;  and  then  when  the  power  of  the  American 
democracy  exerts  itself  against  its  real  enemy  within,  let 
these  men  beware.  No  form  of  law,  no  fiction  of  theory  will 
prevent  the  usages  of  war  being  applied  to  them.  For  a 
hundred  and  forty  years,  as  we  told  the  Russians,  we  have 
been  fighting  the  hard  battles  of  democracy.  Democracy 
has  not  that  power  of  instant  action  which  characterizes 
a  military  autocracy.     Democracy  cannot  command  that 


72  MISSION  TO  RUSSIA 

united  action,  that  union  of  purpose  and  concert  of  forward 
motion  which  an  autocracy  can  command;  but  democracy 
has  its  reserves  of  power  that  no  autocracy  can  have,  and 
those  reserves  are  here.  They  are  all  about  us.  They  are 
unexhausted.  They  are  ready  to  be  moved  on,  and  they  will 
be  moved. 

We  bring  back  from  Russia  to  you  and  to  all  our  friends  at 
home  an  echo  of  our  message:  have  faith,  be  stout  of  heart, 
be  courageous  and  hopeful;  brush  aside  all  trifling  criticisms 
and  doubts;  believe  in  your  own  power;  do  not  doubt  the 
triumph  of  the  democracy  of  America,  or  the  triumph  of  that 
great  world  movement  of  democracy  —  that  great  movement 
of  the  human  mind  which  is  passing  on  over  the  continents 
to  the  exile  of  autocrats  and  the  universal  triumph  of  govern- 
ment by  the  people,  lifting  up  all  those  who  labor  and  endure 
to  their  inheritance  of  opportunity,  of  justice,  and  of  liberty. 
Do  not  doubt  its  triumph  for  a  moment.  God  in  the  heavens 
has  manifested  His  eternal  purpose,  so  that  the  simplest  may 
read,  that  autocracy's  days  are  doomed,  and  the  triumph,  the 
universal  triumph  of  democracy  approaches;  and  America, 
great  democratic  America,  courageous  and  powerful,  is  still 
to  do  its  mighty  work  in  that  regeneration  of  mankind. 


GERMANY,  RUSSIA,  AND  THE  UNITED  STATES 

ADDRESS  BEFORE  THE  UNION  LEAGUE  CLUB,  NEW  YORK 
AUGUST  15,  1917 

Following  Mayor  Mitchel's  reception  to  the  Russian  Mission  at  the  New  York 
City  Hall  on  August  15, 1917,  and  the  luncheon  of  the  Chamber  of  Commerce  of  the 
City  of  New  York  on  the  same  day,  the  Mission  was  tendered  a  reception  by  the 
Union  League  Club  in  the  evening.  The  members  of  the  Mission  were  presented  to 
the  members  of  the  club  by  the  president,  the  Honorable  Charles  E.  Hughes,  who 
then  introduced  the  head  of  the  Mission  in  the  following  words: 

This  is  an  occasion  of  unique  interest.  Our  fellow-member,  whom  we  have 
long  honored  and  loved,  retiu-ns  to  us  from  a  service  of  vast  importance,  most 
admirably  and  nobly  performed.  He  has  received  the  official  welcome  of  the 
city;  he  has  been  greeted  by  the  most  important  commercial  body  of  this 
metropolis;  but  we  desire  to  add  to  these  greetings,  in  which  we  are  glad  to  have 
had  a  share,  the  more  intimate  welcome  that  comes  from  his  old-time  friends 
in  this  Union  League  Club. 

When  it  was  announced  that  the  President  had  selected  Mr.  Root  to  go  as 
the  head  of  this  important  mission  to  Russia,  we  were  all  extremely  glad  that 
the  best  thought  of  the  nation  was  to  find  expression  through  this  eminent 
statesman.  I  am  sure,  however,  that  the  friends  of  Mr.  Root  had  some  little 
misgiving,  because  at  that  time  we  were  filled  with  uncertainty  and  appre- 
hension. The  age  which  his  appearance  belies  was  about  to  be  put  to  a  severe 
test.  He  might  well  have  sought  exemption  from  such  an  arduous  task;  but 
whatever  was  in  the  minds  of  his  friends  was  not  in  his  mind.  To  him  there 
was  but  one  thought,  and  that  was,  that  any  service  within  his  power  to  render 
to  the  nation  he  would  render,  here  or  anywhere.  That,  gentlemen,  according 
to  place  and  opportunity  and  talent,  is  the  very  essence  of  patriotism,  and  the 
nation  has  no  abler  statesman  and  no  finer  patriot  than  Elihu  Root. 

Now  he  has  retm-ned.  Our  misgivings,  as  is  usual  with  most  of  our  mis- 
givings, were  without  warrant.  He  has  performed  the  most  difficult  task  that 
could  be  set  to  him  to  perform,  that  of  adding  luster  to  a  name  already  so 
renowned.  He  returns  to  us  from  this  service,  the  importance  of  which  we  all 
appreciate,  with  a  message.  We  are  glad  to  greet  him  as  a  friend,  but  we  are 
even  more  keen  to  hear  what  he  has  to  say  with  respect  to  conditions  on  the 
other  side.  The  greatest  event  of  this  period  of  extraordinary  events  is  the 
emergence  of  the  people  of  Russia  into  the  responsibilities  and  privileges  and 
enormous  diflSculties  of  freedom.  God  forbid  that  any  one  in  the  United  States 
should  look  askance  at  Russia.  Russia,  our  great  sister  nation,  carries  now  in  no 
small  degree  the  hopes  of  humanity,  and  every  one  whose  heart  is  full  of  the 
intense  desire  that  man  shall  move  forward  to  happier  and  better  days,  that 

73 


74  MISSION  TO  RUSSIA 

freedom  shall  be  world-wide  and  that  there  shall  be  in  the  future  such  an 
organization  in  the  world  as  will  prevent  the  recurrence  of  war,  looks  today  to 
Russia,  full  of  sympathy,  full  of  pride  in  what  has  already  been  accomplished 
under  the  most  extreme  difficulties,  full  of  intense  personal  interest,  with  that 
feeling  of  brotherhood  w'hich  must  possess  us  if  we  are  not  only  to  fight  for 
democracy,  but  to  be  worthy  of  democracy  when  won. 

Now  we  are  here  to  listen  to  a  message  from  one  who  has  been  most  success- 
ful in  interpreting  the  thought  of  America  to  the  people  of  Russia  in  this  crisis. 
He  and  those  who  were  associated  with  him  in  this  mission  have,  it  seems  to  me, 
been  very  successful  in  conveying  our  thought  to  them,  and  it  is  important  that 
they  should  now  from  this  vantage-ground  of  personal  observation,  interpret 
Russia  as  they  have  seen  Russia,  as  they  have  learned  to  know  Russia,  to  us. 
We  are  living  in  a  world  where  the  future  depends  on  our  mutual  understanding 
—  not  on  formal  programs,  not  on  the  formal  engagements  of  nations,  but  upon 
an  imderstanding  of  aims  which  we  hold  in  common  for  human  betterment. 

It  is  a  peculiar  privilege  to  listen  to  our  distinguished  fellow-member  on  his 
return  from  this  great  errand  on  behalf  of  the  United  States.  It  is  my  great 
pleasure  to  introduce  Mr.  Elihu  Root. 

I  WISH  to  explain  to  my  associates  of  the  Special  Diplo- 
matic Mission  that  some  of  the  nice  things  which  our 
president  has  said  tonight  are  a  matter  of  habit.  He  says 
them  to  me  because  this  is  my  home.  The  gray-headed  old 
men  you  see  about  you  and  I  have  lived  together  in  this 
club,  have  cultivated  and  stimulated  each  other's  patriotism 
here  in  the  atmosphere  created  by  the  founders  of  the  club, 
for  the  last  forty  years,  and  the  younger  members  have  come 
into  the  fellowship  of  the  club  and  have  inherited  the  tradi- 
tion ;  and  they  say  these  nice  things  because  I  am  theirs  and 
they  are  mine,  and  we  love  each  other,  and  we  have  confi- 
dence each  in  the  other's  love  of  country,  and  sincerity  of 
purpose,  and  willingness  to  sacrifice  and  to  labor  for  the 
common  good  of  our  beloved  country. 

I  am  to  say  something  about  Russia,  and  I  wish  also  to  say 
something  about  America.  I  thought  often  while  in  Russia, 
as  I  watched  the  labors  and  judged  the  mental  state  and 
feelings  of  the  men  who  were  engaged  in  the  hard  task  of 
building  up  the  government  in  Russia,  of  those  men  of  the 
days  of  '63  who  gathered  in  the  old  club  house  in  Union 


GERMANY,  RUSSIA,  AND  THE  UNITED  STATES       75 

Square  to  render  the  same  service  to  the  American  democ- 
racy then  struggHng  against  the  impending  danger  of  death 
to  the  Republic. 

I  wish  to  say  to  you  that  I  never  have  seen  a  more  gallant 
fight  with  purer  motives  and  nobler  purpose  than  the  few 
men  who  are  controlling  the  government  of  Russia  today 
have  been  making  against  overwhelming  odds  for  the  free- 
dom of  their  people  and  the  safety  of  democracy  in  Russia 
and  in  the  world. 

Everything  was  against  them;  the  soldiers  and  the  people, 
the  peasants  who  make  up  eighty -five  per  cent  of  Russia,  had 
lost  a  leader.  They  had  not  been  in  the  habit  of  thinking 
upon  political  questions,  they  had  been  in  the  habit  of  obey- 
ing, and  the  word  which  they  had  obeyed  was  gone.  The 
soldiers  had  lost  the  command  to  follow,  they  had  lost  their 
national  head,  they  had  lost  their  national  flag.  The  laws 
which  received  their  sanction  from  the  Czar,  when  the  Czar 
was  gone,  no  longer  seemed  to  have  moral  obligation.  The 
police  had  disappeared.  The  people  of  Russia  were  practi- 
cally without  government,  for  the  Provisional  Govern- 
ment had  no  power  to  execute  a  decree.  Without  police, 
without  law,  their  own  orderly  habits,  their  own  mutual 
consideration  for  the  rights  of  others  alone  remained  to  pre- 
serve their  respect  for  property  and  life  and  human  rights. 
Throughout  Russia,  with  no  other  safeguard,  order  reigned 
as  perfect  as  reigns  in  the  United  States  today,  because  the 
people  of  Russia  have  ingrained,  inherent  characteristics, 
qualities  of  character  which  are  necessary  for  the  mainte- 
nance of  free  self-government. 

Germany,  making  common  cause  with  those  extremists 
who  would  break  down  and  destroy  all  industrial  organi- 
zation, all  national  authority,  Germany  carried  on  in  the 
early  months  of  the  revolution  a  great  propaganda  in  a  score 
of  ways  to  pervert  the  minds  of  the  Russian  people.    Her 


76  MISSION  TO  RUSSIA 

agents  swarmed  over  the  border,  they  spent  money  by  the 
million  in  buying  adherents  to  the  German  cause;  they  pur- 
chased newspapers  and  established  newspapers;  they  dis- 
tributed literature;  their  troops,  under  order,  swarmed  out 
of  the  trenches  with  open  arms  to  fraternize  with  the  Russian 
troops.  They  said  to  them,  "  Why  do  you  fight  us  ?  This 
was  the  Czar's  war,  it  was  not  your  war.  Why  do  you  want 
to  kill  us  who  are  your  friends  ?  Why  do  you  want  to  get 
killed  ?  Why  not  go  home  and  share  in  the  division  of  the 
land  ?  If  you  do  not  hurry  you  will  get  left,  it  will  all  be  in 
other  hands.  Why  go  on  with  the  Czar's  war,  which  was  not 
your  war  ?  "  And  they  produced  an  effect  on  the  army  of 
Russia  that  made  them  generally,  along  all  the  thousand- 
mile  line,  unwilling  to  fight.  The  Russians  were  tired  of  the 
war,  as  all  the  peoples  of  Europe  are  tired  of  the  war.  And 
when  we  reached  Russia  it  seemed  as  if  the  game  was  over. 
Sagacious  observers  there  said,  "  According  to  all  the  rules 
of  the  game,  Russia  is  out  of  the  war." 

A  few  men,  thoughtful  men,  realized  that  the  erection  of  a 
system  of  free  self-government  according  to  the  life,  the 
customs,  the  spirit  of  Russian  life,  could  never  be  developed 
under  the  suzerainty  of  Germany.  They  realized  that  sub- 
jection to  Germany  meant  the  death  of  Russian  liberty ;  and 
they  set  out  to  re-inspire  in  the  Russian  people  a  knowledge, 
a  realization,  a  spirit  of  defense  for  their  newly- won  freedom; 
and  under  the  splendid  leadership  of  Kerensky,  under  the 
wise  and  sagacious  control  of  Nekrasoff  and  Terestchenko 
and  Tseratelli  and  a  score  of  others,  they  gradually  brought 
discipline  back.  Out  of  confusion  and  bewilderment  they 
have  brought  a  knowledge  and  a  realization  of  duty,  and 
Russia  has  found  herself,  and  has  begun  again  to  fight  for  the 
preservation  of  her  own  freedom, 

Germany  has  appealed  in  Russia,  as  she  has  appealed  in 
America  and  all  over  the  world,  to  all  the  baser  motives  of 


GERMANY,  RUSSIA,  AND  THE  UNITED  STATES       77 

mankind.  She  has  appealed  to  cupidity,  she  has  bought 
men  in  and  out  of  oflBce,  right  and  left,  by  scores.  She  has 
expended  millions  of  money  in  Russia,  as  she  has  here,  to 
buy  treason  for  her  own  benefit.  She  has  appealed  to  pas- 
sion and  prejudice,  to  local  interest  that  quarrels  with  the 
public  good,  to  personal  selfishness  and  ambitions.  Wher- 
ever in  Russia,  wherever  in  this  world  a  baser  motive  was  to 
be  found,  Germany  has  developed  a  feeling  for  it  as  swift 
and  irresistible  as  any  chemical  combinations  that  we  know 
of.  Every  base,  every  despicable,  every  damnable  influence 
that  tends  to  break  down  law  and  order  and  to  frustrate 
noble  purposes  and  great  designs  for  good,  she  has  employed. 
She  has  done  it  in  Russia,  as  she  has  done  it  here,  with  dia- 
bolical ingenuity.  But  in  one  thing  Germany  has  failed; 
she  has  been  incapable  of  measuring,  of  understanding,  the 
great  moral  forces  that  move  mankind,  the  great  moral  force 
leading  modern  civilization  to  higher  and  better  things. 

Germany  could  not  understand  that  love  of  country  and  the 
passionate  desire  for  Italia  Irredenta  would  take  Italy  out  of 
the  Triple  Alliance  and  range  her  against  the  German  armies. 

She  could  not  understand  that  England,  which,  set  in  the 
enjoyment  of  peace  and  wealth,  had  turned  a  deaf  ear  to  the 
warning  of  good  old  Lord  Roberts,  that  England  would 
revolt  at  the  shameful  bargain  that  was  proposed  to  Sir 
Edward  Grey,  to  connive,  to  wink  at  the  violations  of  trea- 
ties that  protected  Belgium  and  stand  idly  by  while  poor 
Belgium  was  overrun  with  indescribable  cruelty  and  sav- 
agery. She  could  not  understand  that  down  from  Puritan 
ancestry  and  the  nobility  of  the  Cavaliers  of  many  genera- 
tions, there  came  a  spirit  of  moral  power  in  England  that 
would  array  her  against  the  damnable  wrong  that  Germany 
did  to  Belgium. 

Germany  could  not  understand  that  the  British  colonies 
had  replaced  the  rule  of  force  that  once  bound  them  to 


78  MISSION  TO  RUSSIA 

England  by  a  bond  of  sentiment  a  thousand  times  stronger 
than  all  the  red-coats  that  ever  garrisoned  the  citadel  of 
Quebec. 

Germany  could  not  understand  that  the  longings  for  free- 
dom and  self-government  of  South  Africa  could  transmute 
the  fairness  and  justice  of  the  final  settlement  of  the  relation 
between  England  and  the  Boers  into  a  feeling  of  loyalty  to 
England  upon  the  part  of  the  Boers. 

Germany  could  not  understand  that  there  was  a  line 
beyond  which  the  free,  rich,  comfortable  people  of  the 
United  States  of  America,  rejoicing  in  their  prosperity  and 
their  comfort,  would  not  pass  —  a  line  at  which  the  ideals 
of  their  fathers  and  an  ingrained  sense  of  devotion  to  the 
liberty  of  mankind  forbade  the  sordid  considerations  of 
prosperity  and  wealth  longer  to  govern  the  free  American 
people. 

Then,  again,  buying  treason  in  Russia,  playing  upon  sor- 
did motives  and  every  degraded  impulse  to  be  found  in 
Russia,  Germany  again  has  failed  to  understand  the  moral 
power  of  that  great  empire,  and  that  great  justice  and  liberty- 
loving  people.  Time  was  but  a  few  months  ago  when  a  regi- 
ment of  Germans  could  have  marched  over  the  border  and 
gone  where  they  would;  but  they  misjudged  the  moral  force 
of  the  Russian  people,  and  they  waited  too  long.  They 
waited  until  the  power  of  regeneration,  so  strong  in  the  Rus- 
sian character,  had  had  time  to  begin  its  work,  and  they  are 
moving  too  late.  I  do  not  know  what  the  fortunes  of  the 
battlefield  may  be,  but  I  do  think  that  the  Russian  people 
have  again  found  themselves,  and  again  begun  one  of  those 
extraordinary  recoveries  which  the  indomitable  spirit  of 
Russia  makes  possible  beyond  the  experience  of  any  other 
race. 

Now  we  have  sent  a  mission  of  congratulation  and  friend- 
ship and  cooperation  to  Russia,  and  we  are  committed  to 


GERMANY,  RUSSIA,  AND  THE  UNITED  STATES       79 

help  Russia.  There  are  many  things  in  which  she  can  be 
helped;  in  money,  for  her  financial  condition  is  bad;  in 
munitions,  for  her  soldiers  must  have  munitions  with  which 
to  fight;  in  transportation,  in  locomotives  and  cars,  for  her 
rolling  stock  is  almost  worn  out  in  these  three  years  of  war; 
in  a  dozen  material  ways,  as  well  as  in  the  courage  and  hope 
that  come  from  comradeship  and  faith  and  confidence  that 
we  all  need.  I  hope  that  all  of  you  will  stand  by  our  Gov- 
ernment in  rendering  the  fullest  measure  of  help  to  Russia, 
which  is  fighting  our  battles  with  her  own;  poor  Russia, 
desperately  weary  of  the  war,  still  gathering  herself  for 
another  campaign,  while  we  are  entering  the  war  fresh  and 
unharmed.  I  hope  you  will  all  stand  by  the  Government  of 
our  country  in  rendering  the  full  measure  of  help  to  Russia, 
and  I  hope  that  you  will  aid  the  people  of  the  United  States 
to  support  the  Government  in  rendering  that  help  by  a  uni- 
versal sentiment  of  desire  for  comradeship  and  support  on 
the  part  of  the  people  of  the  United  States,  Material,  sub- 
stantial, practical  aid  is  needed  that  Russia  shall  go  on  with 
the  war.  That  we  must  give  if  we  are  true  to  our  assurances, 
and  if  we  are  true  to  our  principles. 

I  want  to  say  a  word  —  not  too  many  words  —  about  the 
situation  in  America.  I  feel  that  there  are  still  some  Ameri- 
cans who  do  not  quite  understand  why  we  are  fighting,  why 
we  are  about  to  fight.  If  they  did,  they  would  stop  these  pro- 
German  traitors  who  are  selling  out  our  country,  who  are 
endeavoring  to  make  us  unsuccessful  in  the  war  that  we  have 
undertaken,  who  are  endeavoring  to  make  our  actions  ineffi- 
cient, who  are  endeavoring  by  opposition  and  obstruction, 
in  Congress  and  out  of  Congress,  to  make  what  America  does 
in  preparation  for  the  war  so  ineffective,  partial,  and  incom- 
petent, that  when  our  young  men  go  to  the  firing  line  in 
France  and  Flanders  they  will  meet  defeat.  If  our  people  all 
understood  why  it  is  that  we  are  going  into  this  war,  they 


80  MISSION  TO  RUSSIA 

would  rise  up  and  crush  these  traitors  down  to  earth.  There 
are  men  walking  about  the  streets  of  this  city  tonight  that 
ought  to  be  taken  out  at  sunrise  tomorrow  and  shot  for  trea- 
son. They  are  doing  their  work  under  false  pretense;  they 
are  professing  to  be  for  the  country  and  they  are  lying  every 
day  and  in  every  word.  They  are  covering  themselves  with 
the  cloak  of  pretended  Americanism;  and  if  we  are  compe- 
tent and  fit  for  our  liberty,  we  will  find  them  out  and  get  at 
them.  And  every  one  of  us  can  help,  not  by  talking  to  each 
other  about  what  we  hear,  but  by  carrying  to  the  authorities 
charged  with  the  pursuit  and  detection  of  traitors,  all  the 
information  we  can  gather. 

And  understand,  and  I  hope  they  will  understand,  it  is 
only  a  question  of  time.  We  are  only  a  democracy,  we  have 
not  the  swift  decision  and  competent  action  of  a  military 
autocracy,  but  we  cannot  be  fooled  or  played  with  too  long. 
There  are  some  newspapers  published  in  this  city  every  day, 
the  editors  of  which  deserve  conviction  and  execution  for 
treason.  And  sooner  or  later  they  will  get  it.  The  American 
people  are  not  going  to  see  their  young  men  led  to  death 
through  the  machinations  of  these  ill-concealed  friends  of  the 
enemy  of  our  country. 

Now,  why  is  it  that  we  are  going  into  this  fight  ?  Specifi- 
cally, the  sinking  of  our  ships  and  the  murder  of  our  citizens 
by  the  U-boats,  in  violation  of  the  well-established  and 
agreed-upon  rules  of  the  law  of  nations.  That  does  not  tell 
the  whole  story,  because  that  action  in  violation  of  the  law  of 
nations,  in  violation  of  the  rules  of  humanity  and  in  violation 
of  the  well-established  principles  of  our  civilization,  is  but  an 
illustration  of  what  it  is  that  Germany  proposes  to  the  world. 
It  is  but  an  illustration  of  what  we  are  all  to  expect  if  Ger- 
many acquires  domination  over  the  world,  as  Rome  domi- 
nated the  world ;  and  it  is  to  prevent  that  domination  which 
will  be  the  death  of  liberty,  the  downfall  of  democracy,  the 


GERMANY,  RUSSIA,  AND  THE  UNITED  STATES       81 

restoration  of  tyranny,  that  America  is  entering  this  war; 
and  it  is  to  preserve  not  merely  the  freedom,  the  democracy 
of  the  world  at  large,  but  the  freedom  and  the  democracy  of 
our  own  country,  that  we  are  entering  the  war. 

It  is  an  old  saying  that  to  govern  is  to  foresee,  and  the 
democracy  that  governs  must  be  able  to  foresee.  You  can- 
not expect  all  the  people  who  are  working  upon  the  farms 
and  in  the  factories  and  in  the  stores  and  shops  to  be  so 
familiar  with  international  affairs  as  to  look  forward  and 
forecast  the  future,  but  you  can  expect  that  in  a  competent, 
self-governing  democracy  there  shall  be  many  men  who  are 
sufficiently  familiar  with  the  affairs  of  the  world  to  form  a 
just  forecast  of  what  their  country  is  to  expect  in  the  near 
future,  judging  from  what  they  see  in  the  present ;  and  that 
forecast  leaves  no  doubt  whatever  that  if  Germany  were  to 
win  in  this  war  the  liberty  of  America  would  be  worth  not  a 
song.  If  Germany  were  to  win  in  this  war,  it  would  mean  the 
dismemberment  of  this  Union  and  the  subjection  of  this 
people! 

Do  you  remember  what  Bismarck  said  about  the  Monroe 
Doctrine  ?  He  said  it  was  a  piece  of  colossal  impudence.  Do 
you  remember  what  William,  the  present  William,  the  great 
war  lord,  said  at  the  time  of  the  Venezuelan  affair  ?  He 
said  if  he  had  had  a  larger  navy  he  would  have  taken  the 
United  States  by  the  scruff  of  the  neck.  Do  you  remember 
what  Admiral  Dietrich  undertook  to  do  in  Manila  Bay,  when 
Dewey  sent  word  to  him,  "  If  you  want  to  have  a  fight,  you 
can  have  it  now  "  ?  Did  you  observe  what  Germany  was 
doing  in  Haiti  just  before  this  war  was  opened  ?  She  was 
seeking  a  foothold  in  Haiti  —  for  a  naval  base  in  the  Carib- 
bean, commanding  the  Panama  Canal,  and  robbing  us  for- 
ever of  our  security,  and  making  it  necessary  that  we  should 
keep  forever  great  navies  and  great  armies  for  our  protection 
against  sudden  and  unexpected  attack. 


82  MISSION  TO  RUSSIA 

What  has  Germany  been  doing  all  over  the  world  but 
meddling  with  the  affairs  of  every  country,  to  extend  her  own 
dominion  ?  Africa,  Asia,  the  islands  of  the  South  Seas,  she 
has  seized  upon.  About  all  the  world  is  taken  up  except  the 
vast  and  ill-populated  and  undefended  stretches  of  incal- 
culable wealth  in  the  New  World  —  South  America  and 
North  America. 

Now,  add  to  the  gloss  that  we  have  in  specific  facts  upon 
the  character  and  purpose  of  Germany,  the  avowed  prin- 
ciples of  Germany:  no  faith  or  treaties  are  binding  on  her; 
no  law  is  to  bind  her  when  it  is  against  the  interests  of 
Germany.  National  interest  is  above  all  obligations  of  law 
and  faith.     That  is  her  supreme  law. 

To  seize  what  she  desires  is  right  in  her  eyes.  To  lie  when 
it  will  benefit  his  country,  is  honorable  to  a  German  gentle- 
man. Not  one  of  the  principles  that  have  illustrated  the 
civilization  of  the  nineteenth  and  twentieth  centuries  is  held 
in  the  slightest  regard  by  the  military  autocracy  that  rules 
Germany.  They  have  harked  back  to  those  dark  and  dread- 
ful days  of  the  past  when  might  was  the  only  right,  and  all 
man  need  do  was  to  seize  what  his  strong  right  hand  could 
hold;  to  those  days  when  there  was  no  liberty  or  justice  for 
plain,  common  people;  to  those  days  when  the  principles  of 
Rome  governed  the  actions  of  men.  Then  turn  your  eyes  to 
America,  with  Germany  holding  those  principles,  moved  by 
such  impulses,  repudiating  all  laws  and  treaties  upon  which 
we  rely  for  protection,  with  a  lust  for  territory  and  a  pride  in 
conquest,  and  an  overwhelming  belief  in  the  right  of  their 
race  to  dominate  the  world ;  and  think  what  America  would 
have  had  to  meet  if  this  war  had  closed  with  the  success  of 
Germany,  with  the  fertile  fields  and  the  rich  mines  of  South 
and  North  America  lying  undefended.  As  clear  as  the  day- 
light on  this  morning  is  the  lesson;  as  certain  as  the  sunrise 
tomorrow  was  the  inevitable  fate  of  the  United  States  if 


GERMANY,  RUSSIA,  AND  THE  UNITED  STATES      83 

Germany  were  to  win  this  war.  We  have  entered  the  war  to 
fight  for  liberty,  for  democracy,  not  in  the  abstract,  but  in 
order  that  our  children  may  inherit  a  free  land,  and  be  sub- 
ject to  no  master,  be  subservient  to  no  arrogant  military 
caste.  That  is  why  we  are  fighting,  and  that  calls  for  every 
ounce  of  weight  we  have  in  America;  it  calls  for  the  stern- 
ness and  severity  of  men  who  understand  that  we  are  fighting 
for  life;  it  calls  for  a  treatment  of  these  recreant  scoundrels 
who  are  trying  to  help  the  enemy  of  our  liberty,  treatment  as 
severe  and  rigid  as  our  strength  makes  it  possible  to  extend. 

We  are  going  to  fight,  that  our  old  men  and  children  shall 
not  be  murdered,  and  our  women  outraged,  that  our  oppor- 
tunities in  life  shall  not  be  cut  off,  and  that  our  people  who 
have  lived  with  no  political  superior  for  more  than  a  hundred 
years  may  not  be  reduced  to  a  condition  of  vassals.  And  it 
is  no  easy  thing;  we  have  got  to  suffer  and  to  endure.  It  is 
no  business  in  which  we  should  be  concerned  about  trifles. 
We  may  not  like  this  or  that  or  the  other  thing  that  a  public 
oflScer  does.  The  main  thing,  the  great  thing  is  to  do  nothing 
that  will  retard  or  divert  or  hinder  the  exercise  of  the  full 
power  of  the  American  people  in  this  mighty  conflict,  and  to 
do  everything  that  we  can  to  add  to  that  power,  and  press 
forward  to  the  accomplishment  of  the  great  and  necessary 
object  of  winning  the  war. 

Now,  thoughtful  Russians  feel  that.  The  war  is  at  their 
doors.  Their  young  men  have  died,  and  mourning  is  through- 
out the  land,  and  they  are  wearied  of  the  war;  but  they  feel 
that  their  liberty  will  be  lost  if  they  do  not  gather  again  for 
the  conflict;  and  we  soon  or  late  must  come  to  feel  it,  and  the 
sooner  we  feel  it,  the  sooner  it  will  be  over  and  the  victory 
won. 


FAITH  IN  RUSSIA 

ADDRESS  AT  A  RECEPTION   OF  THE    CHAMBER   OF  COMMERCE 

OF  THE  STATE  OF  NEW  YORK,  NEW  YORK  CITY 

AUGUST   15,  1917 

THE  Special  Diplomatic  Mission  to  Russia,  now  in  liqui- 
dation, was  intentionally  separated  from  any  concern 
with  business,  with  trade,  investment,  or  enterprise  for 
money-making  of  any  kind.  This  was  done  carefully,  and  it 
was  insisted  upon  strenuously  by  the  Mission  itself  in  Russia, 
in  order  that  our  message  to  the  government  and  people  of 
Russia  might  be  free  from  any  suspicion  or  color  of  selfish 
purpose.  Yet  I  wish  to  say  a  few  words  to  you  about  the 
substantial  elements  in  Russian  life  and  Russian  conditions 
which  should  enter  into  a  judgment,  on  your  part,  as  to  the 
confidence  to  which  Russia  is  entitled. 

I  have  just  been  talking  in  the  City  Hall  about  the  condi- 
tions in  which  Russia  found  herself  when  the  government  of 
the  Czar  was  ended  —  and  I  need  not  repeat  what  I  said 
there.  The  extraordinary  ease  with  which  the  Czar's  govern- 
ment was  removed,  was  due  not  merely  to  the  fact  that  it  was 
an  autocracy,  but  also  to  the  fact  that  it  did  not  govern  effi- 
ciently; it  was  not  up  to  the  job;  it  had  allowed  Russia  to 
drift  into  a  position  where  there  was  vast  confusion  and  the 
country  was  on  the  verge  of  bankruptcy.  The  government 
had  become,  practically,  merely  a  government  of  suppression, 
a  government  of  negatives  that  ceased  to  lead  the  people,  so 
that  the  Czar  and  the  bureaucracy  were  slipped  off  as  easily 
as  a  crab  sheds  its  hard  shell  when  the  proper  time  comes. 

And  then  Russia  was  left  without  a  government.  The  laws 
which  had  their  virtue  from  the  command  of  the  Czar  seemed 
to  have  lost  their  sanction  and  moral  force;  the  police  disap- 

84 


FAITH  IN  RUSSIA  85 

peared;  they  were  chased  out,  and  those  that  were  not  dis- 
posed of  in  that  way  speedily  became  invisible.  The  Duma, 
in  its  last  act,  appointed  a  provisional  government  —  that  is, 
it  appointed  a  number  of  gentlemen  to  fill  the  places  of 
the  heads  of  the  executive  departments  —  but  that  govern- 
ment had  no  power.  It  took  up  the  machinery  of  adminis- 
tration, but  it  had  no  power  to  enforce  a  decree.  The  soldiers 
of  Petrograd,  who  had  been  the  physical  force  of  the  revolu- 
tion, deferred  to  a  voluntary  organization  of  deputies  of 
working-men  and  soldiers,  who  met  in  Petrograd,  twenty-five 
hundred  of  them,  and  discussed  and  passed  resolutions.  The 
soldiers  were  with  them,  and  the  provisional  government, 
while  carrying  on  the  machinery  of  administration,  had  no 
power  to  enforce  a  decree,  and  anybody  in  Russia  was 
practically  free  to  do  anything  he  chose.  Russia  was  under 
the  control  of  thousands  of  local  committees  all  over  that 
vast  land,  without  any  relation  to  each  other,  and  without 
any  subordination  to  the  machinery  of  the  government  in 
Petrograd.  Now,  not  only  was  this  acephalous  condition 
created,  but  the  people  had  never  been  thinking  about  the 
machinery  of  government,  they  had  no  institutions  through 
which  to  carry  on  self-government.  They  had  no  habit  of 
thought  which  would  enable  them  to  create  institutions 
readily  for  national  government.  They  were  dazed,  con- 
fused, bewildered.  Up  to  the  revolution  it  had  been  a  crimi- 
nal offense  to  hold  meetings  and  discuss  public  questions. 
Under  the  rulings  of  the  police  three  was  an  unlawful  crowd, 
so  that  if  three  men  undertook  to  talk  about  the  weather  in 
the  street,  they  were  required  to  move  on  or  were  arrested. 
Immediately  after  the  revolution  all  Russia  began  to  meet 
and  discuss.  That  was  the  condition  when  the  Mission 
reached  there. 

Now,  into  that  state  of  affairs  there  came  intervention  by 
that  malevolent  power   which   is  intermeddling   with   the 


86  MISSION  TO  RUSSIA 

affairs  of  every  nation  upon  earth,  stirring  up  discord,  stimu- 
lating, feeding,  financing  all  the  forces  of  evil  —  doing  it  here 
among  us  now.  That  power  that  finds  its  account  in  alliance 
with  all  evil  passions,  all  the  sordid  impulses  of  humanity  in 
every  nation  in  the  world,  entered  into  Russia.  Thousands 
of  its  agents  poured  over  the  border  immediately  upon  the 
revolution.  All  the  pro-German  sympathizers  in  Russia 
were  visited  and  spurred  to  action.  Newspapers  were  pur- 
chased, and  newspapers  were  established,  literature  was  dis- 
tributed, and  a  great  propaganda  went  on  to  fill  the  minds  of 
the  simple-minded  people,  who  had  never  thought  or  talked 
about  political  affairs,  to  fill  their  minds  with  the  German 
view  of  the  war  and  their  duty.  The  men  who  correspond  to 
the  I.  W.  W.  here,  the  extreme  socialists  and  anarchists,  with 
whom  the  German  agents  made  common  cause,  preached  and 
sought  to  bring  about  the  destruction  of  the  industrial  and 
financial  system  in  Russia,  the  destruction  of  nationalism  in 
Russia,  under  the  promise  to  the  peasants  and  the  working- 
men  of  a  universal  brotherhood  of  the  proletariat  of  the 
world,  which  should  destroy  all  national  government,  and 
bring  in  a  universal  reign  of  peace  and  brotherly  love,  not 
suggesting  to  them  what  Germany  might  do  in  the  mean- 
time if  the  national  force  of  Russia  was  destroyed  for  the 
purpose  of  bringing  about  the  millennium. 

Notwithstanding  all  this,  in  a  country  with  no  central 
government  that  had  power  to  enforce  its  decrees,  in  a  coun- 
try with  no  police,  a  country  in  which  the  sanction  and  moral 
obligation  of  the  laws  had  disappeared  with  the  disappear- 
ance of  the  Czar,  there  reigned  order  to  a  higher  degree  than 
has  existed  in  the  United  States  of  America  during  this 
period. 

In  the  first  enthusiasm  for  freedom  and  in  the  liberation  of 
political  prisoners,  a  great  many  ordinary  criminal  prisoners 
were  also  released,  and  they  went  about  and  committed  some 


FAITH  IN  RUSSIA  87 

depredations  which  of  course  all  found  their  way  into  the 
newspapers;  but  even  with  that,  the  general  average  of  peace 
and  order,  of  respect  for  property  and  life  in  Russia,  was 
higher  than  could  reasonably  be  expected  from  any  hundred 
and  eighty  million  people  in  the  world  under  any  gov- 
ernment. 

Now,  that  extraordinary  phenomenon  called  for  a  study,  a 
careful  study,  not  merely  from  the  newspapers  or  from  talk- 
ing with  government  officials,  but  by  countless  serious  inter- 
views and  conversations  with  men  of  all  grades  and  stripes 
and  callings  and  conditions  of  life;  and  these  studies  satisfied 
all  the  members  of  this  Mission  that  the  Russian  people  pos- 
sessed, to  a  very  high  degree,  qualities  that  are  necessary  for 
successful  self-government.  They  have  self-control  equalled 
in  few  countries  of  the  world.  They  have  persistency  of 
purpose;  they  have  a  most  kindly  and  ingrained  respect  — 
not  only  respect,  regard  —  for  the  rights  of  others.  They 
will  not  willingly  do  an  injustice  to  any  one,  and  that 
sense  of  justice  carries  with  it  a  broad  charity.  They  have  a 
noble  idealism  which  is  developed  and  exhibited  in  the  minds 
that  are  enlarged  by  education,  and  they  have  a  strong  sense 
of  the  mission  of  liberty  in  the  world,  and  they  have  an  ex- 
traordinary capacity  for  concerted  action.  That  is  shown  in 
their  self-government  in  the  village  community  in  which  their 
little  affairs  are  dealt  with  in  the  most  every-day  method 
of  discussion  —  agreement  —  subordination  of  individual 
views  to  the  general  opinion;  in  the  zemstvos  which  take 
in  a  little  larger  scope;  in  the  town  councils  and  in  the 
union  during  the  war  of  these  local  agencies  for  general 
purposes,  the  union  of  zemstvos  and  the  union  of  the  war 
munition  committees,  which  are  all  working  together  most 
successfully  and  practically.  There  you  see  the  union  of 
citizens  for  political  purposes  which  comes  very  close  to  gov- 
ernment.    So  we  came  to  the  conclusion  that  the  Russian 


88  MISSION  TO  RUSSIA 

people  have,  in  a  very  high  degree,  the  quahties  necessary  to 
create  and  maintain  a  successful  free  government. 

That  is  the  test.  There  can  be  no  more  fatal  gift  to  a 
people  than  the  duty  of  self-government  when  their  charac- 
ters are  not  equal  to  the  performance  of  the  duty.  The  ques- 
tion of  a  people's  maintaining  their  freedom  is  not  to  be  de- 
termined by  the  little  spectacular  incidents  which  are  picked 
up  and  published  with  headlines  in  the  newspapers.  The 
question  is  to  be  determined  by  the  underlying  and  real  char- 
acter of  the  people.  If  their  character  is  right,  against  all 
enemies  and  all  misfortunes  they  will  win  through  to  estab- 
lished freedom.  If  their  character  is  unequal  to  the  task,  all 
the  aid  of  all  the  great  countries  in  the  world  cannot  give 
them  their  freedom.  Freedom  must  find  its  foundation,  its 
sure  foundation,  within  the  people  themselves,  and  we  think 
the  Russians  have  that  sure  foundation. 

Now  there  is  great  financial  difficulty  in  Russia;  the  old 
regime  brought  the  country  into  a  very  involved  and  critical 
condition  financially;  and  there  is  great  disturbance  indus- 
trially. But  when  I  have  met  people,  and  I  have,  a  great 
many,  who  shake  their  heads  over  the  industrial  and  financial 
conditions  there,  I  have  thought  always,  with  a  cheerful 
reassurance,  of  what  a  character  these  people  have,  and  I 
have  remembered  that  our  dollar  in  the  Civil  War  was  as  low 
as  the  Russian  rouble,  and  I  have  no  doubt  that  the  character 
of  the  Russians  will  pull  up  their  finances  just  as  the  charac- 
ter of  Americans  pulled  up  our  finances. 

I  remembered,  also,  that  in  a  country  where  eighty-five 
per  cent  of  the  people  are  land-owning  peasants,  industrial 
and  financial  difficulties  do  not  cut  so  deep  as  they  do  in  a 
country  which  is  chiefly  industrial  in  the  ordinary  sense  of 
the  word.  There  is  no  such  convulsion  caused  by  troubles 
which  affect  only  fifteen  per  cent  of  the  people,  as  where  there 
are  troubles  which  affect  the  whole;  that  is,  the  more  highly 


FAITH  IN  RUSSIA  89 

organized,  industrially  and  financially,  a  country  is,  the 
greater  ruin  brought  by  industrial  and  financial  diflSculties. 
With  Russia,  all  financial  trouble  that  there  is  or  may  be, 
passing  over  the  heads  of  eighty-five  per  cent  of  the  people, 
affects  them  Httle. 

A  schedule,  an  appraisement  of  the  property  of  Russia  — 
that  is,  the  available  property  which  could  be  used  for  the 
production  of  income,  or  sold  for  productive  purposes — has 
just  been  made;  it  has  been  made  under  the  direction  of 
Mr.  Pakrovsky,  former  minister  of  finance  under  the  Czar's 
government,  a  gentleman  whose  ability  and  integrity  are 
most  highly  respected,  and  while  it  is  not  completed  in 
detail,  he  finds  that  a  moderate  appraisement  of  that  prop- 
erty, appraised  just  as  you  would  appraise  the  property  of 
any  corporation,  exceeds  over  sixty  billion  dollars.  So  you 
have  a  background  against  which  to  consider  Russia  —  this 
vast  property,  the  value  of  which  of  course  depends  upon  the 
maintenance  of  a  stable  government,  protecting  property 
rights,  and  for  the  existence  of  such  a  government  you  have 
the  true  character  of  the  Russian  people  and  their  respect  for 
property  rights.  You  have  that  vast  country  to  be  opened, 
to  be  developed,  the  great  stretch  through  Siberia,  from  the 
Urals  to  the  Pacific,  with  unimaginable  wealth  of  the  same 
kind  which  has  made  the  power  of  our  great  republic.  You 
have  the  wealth,  you  have  the  character,  you  have  the  oppor- 
tunity for  development,  and  with  these,  I  feel  certain  that 
Russia  is  going  to  create  and  maintain  a  free  self-government 
which  will  make  her  a  republic  worthy  to  stand  side  by  side 
with  the  great  republic  of  the  United  States,  and  a  republic 
which  will  spur  us  to  higher  effort  in  order  that  we  may  be 
worthy  to  stand  with  her. 

There  is  but  one  danger  I  see,  and  that  is  that  Russia, 
God  forbid  it,  may  be  overwhelmed  by  Germany;  and  if  that 
were  to  happen,  the  development  of  the  free  institutions  in 


90  MISSION  TO  RUSSIA 

Russia,  adapted  to  her  life  and  character  and  the  genius  of 
the  Russian  people,  would  be  made  impossible.  The  Rus- 
sians know  that  —  the  thoughtful  men  of  Russia  know  that 
—  and,  with  courage  worthy  of  all  honor,  with  courage 
worthy  of  imitation  by  us,  they  are  wrestling  mightily  to 
prevent  that  great  misfortune.  No  one  can  tell  what  the 
outcome  will  be,  but  this  is  certain,  that  Russia,  tired  of  the 
war,  worn  and  harried  by  war;  Russia,  which  has  lost  seven 
millions  of  her  sons,  with  every  village  in  mourning,  every 
family  bereaved;  Russia  has  again  taken  up  the  heavy  bur- 
den; she  has  to  a  great  extent  restored  the  discipline  of  her 
army;  she  has  put  away  the  bright  vision  of  peace  and  rest, 
and  returned  yet  again  to  the  sacrifice  and  the  suffering  of 
war  in  order  that  she  may  continue  free.  Ah!  If  we  love 
freedom,  if  we  are  true  children  of  our  fathers,  and  cherish 
their  ideals,  confidence  and  hope  will  go  out  from  us  to  those 
brave  Russians  who  are  fighting  our  battles  as  they  are  fight- 
ing their  own ;  and  we  will  uphold  the  hands  of  our  Govern- 
ment and  encourage  the  spirit  of  our  people  to  do  our  duty 
beyond  measure,  to  help  them  in  their  great  and  noble  work. 


SYMPATHY  WITH  RUSSIA 

ADDRESS  AT  THE  BANQUET  OF  THE  AMERICAN  BAR 
ASSOCIATION,  SARATOGA  SPRINGS,  NEW  YORK 
SEPTEMBER  7,  1917 

At  the  conclusion  of  its  Saratoga  session,  the  American  Bar  Association  tendered 
a  banquet  to  Mr.  Root,  at  which  the  toastmaster,  ex-Senator  George  Sutherland  of 
Utah,  the  president  of  the  Association,  introduced  Mr.  Root  in  the  following  words : 
The  American  Bar  Association,  departing  from  its  usual  custom,  has  given 
this  dinner  in  honor  of  its  most  distinguished  member,  a  lawyer  of  profound 
learning  and  great  ability,  schooled  in  the  best  traditions  of  a  noble  profession. 
It  has  been  my  good  fortune  to  know,  more  or  less  intimately,  a  large  pro- 
portion of  the  public  men  of  my  generation,  and  to  be  reasonably  familiar 
with  the  history  of  the  others,  and  I  take  advantage  of  this  occasion  to  say — 
not  by  way  of  idle  compliment,  but  as  a  matter  of  profound  conviction — that 
this  great  American  whom  we  thus  honor  will  pass  into  the  history  of  his 
country  as  the  safest  counsellor  and  wisest  statesman  of  his  time. 

I  present  with  pleasure — I  present  with  very  real  and  great  affection,  our 
distinguished  guest  and  former  president,  Elihu  Root. 

IT  is  very  hard  to  speak  after  such  an  introduction.  It  is 
hard  to  forget  the  sense  of  un worthiness  caused  by  such 
words  as  the  too  partial  friendship  of  Senator  Sutherland  has 
permitted  him  to  use;  but  who  could  remain  silent  who  has  a 
voice  in  these  days  ?  Who  can  think  of  his  own  personality 
amid  the  tremendous  issues  that  confront  us  and  the  ter- 
rible responsibility  that  rests  upon  us  ?  Men  are  nothing. 
From  out  of  the  dead  level  of  ordinary  humdrum  life,  from 
ease  and  comfort,  the  struggle  for  place  and  fortune,  the 
common  things  of  every  day,  the  rising  feeling  of  duties  and 
ideals  and  devotion  sinks  all  personality. 

There  are  no  persons  now;  there  is  only  a  country.  There 
are  no  countries  now:  there  is  only  a  world  in  which  the 
great  conflict  has  come  between  right  and  wrong,  between 
the  angels  of  light  and  the  angels  of  darkness;   and  we  are. 


92  MISSION  TO  RUSSIA 

each  one  of  us,  but  an  indistinguishable  particle  in  the  great 
conflict  that  is  to  determine  the  future  of  mankind. 

I  promised  some  of  my  friends,  in  response  to  their  ques- 
tioning, that  I  would  tell  you  something  tonight  about 
Russia.  I  can  do  it  only  because  it  is  a  part  of  the  great 
drama  of  intense  interest  that  has  turned  this  meeting  of  the 
American  Bar  Association  from  a  conference  over  dry  laws 
and  technical  and  scientific  questions  into  a  great  patriotic 
meeting. 

Let  me  say  something  about  Russia,  poor,  harried,  bleed- 
ing, agonizing  Russia.  In  March  last,  the  government  of  the 
Czar  had  brought  Russia  to  the  verge  of  bankruptcy.  The 
Czar  was  dethroned,  not  merely  because  he  was  an  autocrat 
—  that  would  have  waited  until  the  war  was  over  —  but 
because  his  government  was  incompetent  and  dishonest; 
because  the  men  who  were  controlling  in  that  government 
were  bought  with  German  money  and  were  traitors  to  their 
country,  to  the  great  cause  in  which  Russia  had  enlisted. 

The  Duma  was  in  session,  and  wise  and  able  men  in  that 
body  perceived  that  the  bureaucratic  government  was 
making  its  arrangements  for  a  separate  peace,  in  violation  of 
the  pledged  faith  of  Russia;  a  peace  which  would  have 
inflicted  intolerable  shame  upon  their  country  through 
desertion  of  those  other  nations  who  had  come  to  the  aid  of 
Russia  in  her  struggle.  Wise  and  able  men  there  charged  the 
government  with  the  purpose  to  make  a  separate  peace.  The 
Czar  issued  an  order  that  the  Duma  dissolve,  and  the  Duma 
refused  to  dissolve,  and  that  precipitated  the  revolution. 

Upon  that,  the  great  body  of  socialists  in  Petrograd  who 
had  been  attacking  the  government,  had  been  forming  their 
plans  ultimately  to  overthrow  the  government,  arose,  took  to 
the  street,  called  upon  the  Petrograd  garrison  whom  they  had 
won  over  to  their  views,  and  drove  out  the  police  of  the 
bureaucracy.    The  agents  of  the  Duma  called  upon  the  Czar 


SYMPATHY  WITH  RUSSIA  93 

for  his  abdication;  and  he  abdicated.  The  Duma  imme- 
diately appointed  new  heads  of  all  the  departments,  who  took 
possession  of  the  machinery  of  government.  The  socialists 
formed  themselves  into  a  body  which  was  known  as  the 
Council  of  Deputies  of  Workingmen  and  Soldiers,  some 
twenty-five  hundred  in  number,  and  they  had  adhering  to 
them  the  Petrograd  garrison.  And  then,  with  the  Czar's 
government  disposed  of,  disappearing  in  a  night,  there  were 
left  in  Russia  the  heads  of  the  executive  department  who 
controlled  the  machinery  of  administration,  and  the  Council 
of  Deputies  of  Workingmen  and  Soldiers,  who  had  the  con- 
trol and  leadership  of  the  Petrograd  garrison,  that  is  to  say, 
the  physical  force,  in  their  control.  The  provisional  Council 
of  Ministers  appointed  by  the  Duma  had  the  machinery  of 
government,  but  they  had  no  power  to  execute  their  decrees. 
The  Council  of  Deputies  of  Workingmen  and  Soldiers,  a 
purely  voluntary  body,  had  the  physical  power  as  they  had 
the  garrison  with  them,  but  they  had  no  competence  for 
government,  and  they  did  not  undertake  to  carry  on  govern- 
ment; and  so  the  country  stood  with  no  effective  govern- 
ment, a  government  of  moral  suasion  alone;  and  that  vast 
people  of  one  hundred  and  eighty  million,  covering  one-sixth 
of  the  habitable  globe,  looked  about  in  bewilderment  and  con- 
fusion, and  began  to  discuss  their  rights,  their  powers  and 
duties;  began  to  rejoice  in  the  new  freedom  from  oppression. 
Four  months  ago,  when  the  Diplomatic  Mission  from  the 
United  States  landed  at  Vladivostock,  there  were  thousands 
of  committees  which  had  been  formed  in  every  town  and  in 
every  city,  and  almost  every  village,  in  every  garrison  and 
camp  and  division  and  regiment  of  the  great  Russian  army. 
These  thousands  of  committees  undertook  to  regulate  their 
local  affairs.  They  had  no  relation  to  each  other,  and  they 
had  no  subordination  to  any  general  government.  Seventy- 
five  per  cent  of  the  people  could  not  read  and  write.   With  a 


94  MISSION  TO  RUSSIA 

very  few  exceptions,  they  had  no  knowledge  and  no  experi- 
ence in  self-government.  They  had  no  institutions  through 
which  to  govern,  and  we  all  know  there  can  be  no  self- 
government  except  through  institutions  of  government.  Yet 
in  that  extraordinary  condition  there  was  as  perfect  order  in 
Russia  as  existed  in  the  United  States. 

In  Petrograd  not  a  policeman  was  to  be  found;  the  old 
police  of  the  bureaucracy  had  been  chased  away,  gone  into 
hiding,  or  into  exile;  and  no  police  had  taken  their  place. 
But  there  was  no  time  during  that  period  when  a  young 
woman  could  not  have  walked  from  one  end  of  Petrograd  to 
the  other  at  any  hour  of  the  day  or  night  in  perfect  safety. 

Then  they  addressed  themselves  to  the  novel  subject  of 
forming  a  government  to  take  the  place  of  the  old  autocracy. 
There  were  two  elements,  the  socialists,  who,  of  course, 
desired  a  government  of  socialism,  and  the  great  body  of  the 
Russian  people,  most  of  them  land-owning  peasants,  with  a 
small  proportion  of  business  men  and  a  small  proportion  of 
large  land-owners ;  and  these  two  elements  stood  and  looked 
at  each  other  in  doubt  as  to  what  they  should  do,  wholly 
inexperienced;  and  they  began  to  take  the  first  steps  towards 
the  creation  of  government. 

The  socialists  had  two  wings  —  the  moderate  and  reason- 
able socialists  of  the  American  type,  the  same  kind  who  run  a 
candidate  for  President  every  four  years  now,  with  cheerful 
hope;  and  the  extreme  socialists  of  the  German  type,  who 
demanded  immediate  and  full  application  of  the  theory  of 
socialism.  They  proposed  that  there  should  be  an  immediate 
destruction  of  all  capital.  They  proposed  to  destroy  the 
industrial  organization  of  Russia;  and  they  proposed  to 
destroy  the  nationalism  of  Russia  in  the  expectation  of  sub- 
stituting for  nationalism  throughout  the  world  the  "  Uni- 
versal Brotherhood  of  the  Proletariat "  which  should  imme- 
diately usher  in  the  millenium.    Their  idea  was  that  they 


SYMPATHY  WITH  RUSSIA  95 

would  have  no  national  government  in  Russia,  and  they 
would  immediately  destroy  the  national  governments  of  the 
United  States,  Great  Britain,  France,  Italy,  and  incidentally 
Germany.  The  key  of  all  that  went  on  in  Russia  through 
months  was  the  desire  to  separate  the  modern  and  reasonable 
socialists,  who  sought  to  obtain  the  fruition  of  their  theories 
through  building  up  national  democracies,  from  the  extreme 
German  type  of  socialists  who  sought  immediately  to  apply 
their  wild  and  vague  theory. 

Then  there  came  a  tremendous  German  propaganda. 
Thousands  of  German  agents  came  across  the  border  after 
the  revolution;  and  they  spent  money  like  water,  no  one  can 
teU  how  much  they  spent.  They  stirred  up  all  the  German 
sympathizers  in  Russia.  They  purchased  newspapers, 
established  newspapers,  and  printed  other  literature;  they 
went  up  and  down  the  front,  talking  to  the  soldiers  in  the 
trenches  and  in  the  reserve  camps.  They  said  to  the  Russian 
soldier,  "  Why  do  you  fight  ?  This  was  the  Czar's  war.  The 
Czar  is  gone  now.  Why  do  you  keep  on  fighting  ?  "  They  said 
also  to  them,  "  Why  do  you  kill  us  .''  We  are  your  friends. 
Why  do  you  want  to  get  killed  yourselves  ?  It  is  very 
unpleasant.  You  had  better  go  home  and  take  part  in  the 
division  of  the  land.  All  the  land  in  Russia  is  to  be  divided, 
and  if  you  do  not  hurry  home,  you  will  be  left."  And  those 
millions  of  men  who  did  not  read  were  talked  to  in  this  way, 
and  when  it  was  said,  this  was  not  their  war,  they  were  com- 
pelled to  realize  that  it  was  not.  Nobody  had  told  them  what 
the  war  was  about;  they  had  never  been  instructed  about  it; 
they  had  no  knowledge  of  the  great  issues  involved;  and 
accordingly,  by  the  millions,  the  Russians  left  the  trenches 
and  the  camps  and  wandered  all  over  the  country,  finding 
their  way  back  to  their  homes;  and  all  through  the  Russian 
army  the  idea  ran  that  peace  had  come,  and  there  was  no 
further  occasion  for  war.    And  so  that  government  stood 


96  MISSION  TO  RUSSIA 

without  any  power  in  the  government  to  enforce  a  decree, 
with  an  army  wearied  of  war,  as  all  Europe  is  wearied  of  war 
today,  tired  of  sacrifice  and  suffering,  glad  to  have  the  killing 
and  maiming  come  to  an  end;  glad  that  no  more  lives  were 
to  be  added  to  the  millions  who  had  been  lost  in  Russia; 
and  that  peace  and  order  were  to  reign. 

Discipline  in  the  army,  of  course,  then  disappeared.  The 
officers  who  had  been  severe  in  their  treatment  of  the  soldiers 
were  dismissed  and  sent  away,  the  soldiers'  committees  took 
charge,  and  with  Germany  at  the  gates  a  condition  existed 
in  which  the  successful  prosecution  of  war  was  impossible. 
There  was  no  government  which  had  the  power  to  enforce 
law.  Indeed,  the  law  had  lost  its  sanction  as  law;  it  had 
died  with  the  Czar.  It  was  not  like  our  law,  which  is  made 
by  the  people  —  it  was  made  by  the  Czar,  and  the  Czar  had 
gone,  and  his  word  had  no  further  authority.  There  was  no 
law,  no  power.  The  great  body  of  the  people,  with  little  or  no 
understanding  of  the  great  questions  confronting  them, 
delighted  in  the  sense  of  freedom;  but  they  respected  each 
other's  rights,  and  they  maintained  order.  The  German 
agents  made  common  cause  with  the  extreme  and  unrea- 
sonable socialists,  and  to  them  were  added  those  unknown 
secret  agents  of  the  bureaucratic  government.  And  the 
extreme  wing  of  violent  destructive  socialism,  which  corre- 
sponds to  the  I.  W.  W.  in  our  own  country,  and  the  agents  of 
the  old  secret  police  and  the  agents  of  Germany,  made  com- 
mon cause  in  attempting  to  destroy  all  industry,  all  property, 
all  capital  and  all  effectiveness  of  government  in  Russia. 

Now,  in  that  condition  a  few  men  —  very  few  at  first  — 
stood  up  and  spurned  the  offer  of  a  separate  peace  from  Ger- 
many. They  said,  "We  will  not  stain  our  country  by  this 
disgraceful  conduct.  We  will  maintain  the  war;  we  will 
fight  for  the  liberty  which  we  have  newly  won;  we  will  begin 
the  career  of  a  new  democracy  of  Russia,  with  faith  and 


SYMPATHY  WITH  RUSSIA  97 

honor.  We  will  save  the  people  of  Russia  from  the  disgrace 
which  these  men  seek  to  put  upon  it." 

They  were  the  provisional  government  of  Russia,  Wisely, 
patiently,  they  separated  the  reasonable  socialists  from  the 
extremists.  They  finally  won  them  over,  and  when  they 
had  won  them  over,  they  had  won  the  Petrograd  garrison 
also.  And  when  they  had  won  the  Petrograd  garrison,  with 
the  moderate  socialists,  they  were  ready  to  govern. 

I  got  up  one  morning  in  the  quarters  of  the  Diplomatic 
Mission,  in  the  Winter  Palace.  We  had  on  one  side  of  us, 
occupying  a  part  of  that  vast  pile,  a  great  military  hospital 
filled  with  wounded.  On  the  other  side,  in  the  rooms  which 
had  been  used  as  a  prison  for  the  palace,  there  were  confined 
some  eighty  anarchists  who  had  just  been  arrested  the  night 
before.  Across  the  way  were  the  barracks  of  the  most 
mutinous  regiment  of  the  Petrograd  garrison.  I  looked  out 
of  the  window  into  the  court-yard  of  the  palace,  and  there  I 
saw  the  court-yard  filled  with  Cossacks,  who  were  standing 
and  sitting  about,  sharpening  their  swords,  and  I  said,  "  The 
time  has  come  when  the  government  of  Russia  can  begin  to 
govern."  And  it  had.  The  Cossacks  went  out  into  the 
streets  of  Petrograd,  and  from  that  time  on  the  flag  of 
destructive  revolutionism,  the  black  flag  of  the  men  who 
sought  to  destroy  Russia,  has  been  driven  from  those  streets. 

Many  disturbing  things  have  been  reported  in  our  news- 
papers of  events  in  Russia,  happening  during  the  past  two 
months.  But  the  changes  in  the  government  of  Russia  which 
took  place  after  our  Mission  left,  until  its  return  home,  were 
the  changes  which  were  marked  out,  and  explained  to  me, 
before  we  left.  What  will  happen  in  the  future,  of  course, 
no  one  can  tell. 

What  was  represented  as  being  another  revolution,  what 
was  represented  as  being  the  surrender  of  the  government  to 
turbulent  forces,  was  but  the  accomplishment  of  a  settled 


98  MISSION  TO  RUSSIA 

purpose  long  ago  determined  upon  and  explained  to  me  before 
we  left  —  the  purpose  to  put  Kerensky  in  the  place  he  now 
holds,  with  the  power  to  restore  order. 

Through  his  extrj' ordinary  power  —  and  he  has  extraor- 
dinary power,  this  young  man  in  the  thirties,  with  amazing 
intensity,  with  power  to  put  every  drop  of  blood  in  his  body 
into  his  words  when  he  reaches  out  and  seizes  upon  the  souls 
of  his  audience,  and  with  a  devotion  to  his  country,  a  flaming 
enthusiasm  for  liberty  and  order  never  surpassed  in  our 
day  —  Kerensky  set  out  upon  the  tremendous  task  of  res- 
toring at  once  the  power  of  a  civil  government  to  maintain 
order  in  Russia  and  restore  the  morale  of  the  Russian  army. 

He  has  wise  and  skillful  and  able  men  with  him,  men  who 
joined  in  putting  him  at  the  head  of  the  government,  not 
seeking  their  own  elevation,  not  seeking  their  own  aggran- 
dizement, but  seeking  to  put  at  the  head  of  the  government 
the  man  whom  they  recognized  as  the  most  fit  man  to  do  the 
great  work  that  had  to  be  done. 

He  has,  in  a  great  measure,  restored  the  morale  of  Russia's 
army,  and  that  army  which  from  the  Baltic  to  the  Black  Sea 
had  agreed  that  there  was  no  more  fighting  to  do,  is  now 
fighting  along  that  fine,  and  is  now  dying  in  the  trenches 
along  that  line.  Ninety-five  per  cent  of  them  have  gone  back 
to  the  terrible  task  of  maintaining  the  integrity  of  their 
country  against  the  advance  of  the  Germans. 

Here  and  there  is  a  soft  spot,  here  and  there  is  a  place  where 
German  corruption  and  German  influence  have  won  over  an 
ojBBcer  or  a  regiment,  and  when  that  soft  spot  is  touched  — 
and  the  Germans  know  where  it  is  —  there  is  a  disaster,  but 
still  they  fight  on. 

The  newspapers  are  filled  with  accounts  of  disputes,  of 
political  conflict,  but  how  is  it  possible  for  a  nation  which 
began  in  the  beginning  with  no  government  at  all,  with  no 
institutions,  with  no  habits  of  thought  or  action  adapted  to 


SYMPATHY  WITH  RUSSIA  99 

the  exercise  of  the  powers  of  government,  how  is  it  possible 
for  them  to  avoid  disputes  and  controversies  ?  When  you 
read  in  the  newspapers  about  what  happens  in  Russia,  I  beg 
you  to  remember  how  the  people  of  Europe  looked  upon  the 
condition  of  America  for  many  a  long  year  after  the  peace 
that  ended  the  American  Revolution.  How  certain  they 
were  that  the  new  experiment  in  democracy  was  a  failure. 
How  they  sneered  and  laughed  at  the  presumptuous  farm- 
ers who  sought  to  govern  themselves.  I  beg  you  to  remember 
what  Europe  thought  of  the  condition  in  America  in  those 
long  dark  years  of  civil  war,  when  it  was  believed  that  the 
American  experiment  had  failed  at  last. 

I  beg  you  to  consider  if  a  true  statement  were  made  and 
communicated  by  cable  to  Russia,  of  all  that  has  been 
happening  in  these  United  States  during  the  past  four 
months,  of  the  riots,  of  the  pacifist  meetings,  of  the  seditious 
press,  of  the  unblushing  effrontery  of  treason  throughout 
this  land,  what  effect  that  would  have  upon  Russia.  I  beg 
you  to  consider  whether  if  that  were  sent  over  to  Russia, 
it  would  not  seem  worse  to  the  Russians  than  the  story 
which  comes  to  us  from  Russia  today. 

A  terrible  task  they  have  undertaken.  Often  their  hearts 
must  faint;  often  it  must  seem  as  if  they  were  fighting  to 
accomplish  the  impossible;  but  they  have  one  thing  upon 
which  they  can  rely,  that  is  the  character  of  the  people  of 
Russia.  WTiy  was  it  that  when  no  police  and  no  government 
was  there,  order  was  maintained  in  Russia  .'*  It  was  because 
the  Russian  people  have  in  the  highest  degree  the  qualities 
that  are  necessary  to  successful  self-government. 

They  have  self-control.  They  are  naturally  law-abiding. 
They  have  natural  consideration  for  the  feelings  and  the 
interests  of  others.  They  have  a  natural  sense  of  justice. 
They  would  not  willingly  do  injustice  to  anyone  in  the  world; 
and  their  justice  is   enlarged  and  ennobled  by  beautiful 


100  MISSION  TO  RUSSIA 

charity.  They  are  the  kindest  people  towards  the  unfortu- 
nate and  the  erring  that  I  know  of.  With  all  that,  they  have 
persistence  and  rugged  continuance  of  purpose,  and  they 
have  an  extraordinary  capacity  for  concerted  action  which 
has  been  shown  in  their  local  self-government.  In  their  vil- 
lage communities  they  long  have  managed  their  own  affairs 
in  their  little  town  meetings  with  the  mayor  presiding,  where 
they  would  discuss  and  take  the  will  of  the  majority,  and 
everybody  agreed  to  it.  They  have  done  the  same  in  their 
zemstvos,  and  they  have  gone  further.  This  war  was  not  well 
carried  on  by  the  old  regime,  and  in  order  to  carry  it  on,  the 
Russian  people  rose  and  formed  combinations  of  their  own 
zemstvos  into  an  all-Russian  union  of  zemstvos.  They 
formed  special  war  munition  committees;  and  it  was  these 
bodies  of  zemstvos  and  the  war  munitions  committees  that 
kept  the  armies  going  after  the  old  Russian  regime  had  been 
swept  aside.  Thus  they  have  carried  their  self-government 
into  the  national  field  until  they  have  attained  a  condition 
which  approaches  national  self-government.  In  their  busi- 
ness affairs  they  show  self-government.  I  went  in  Moscow, 
to  the  Narodny  Bank,  or  the  People's  Bank,  and  saw  the 
corporation  employees  gathered  together,  and  speeches  were 
made  to  and  fro,  and  among  others,  a  young  man  arose  and 
said  he  would  like  to  tell  about  the  flax  industry  in  Russia. 
He  said  that  the  flax  people,  great  numbers  of  them,  had 
united  and  formed  a  union  for  the  purpose  of  marketing  their 
flax  and  purchasing  their  necessary  supplies,  and  they  had 
succeeded  in  that,  and  they  were  carrying  on  their  business, 
by  the  agencies  that  they  created  at  a  cost  not  exceeding  two 
and  a  half  per  cent.  Now,  probably  the  majority  of  them 
were  unable  to  read  and  write.  Those  people,  those  peasants, 
with  those  qualities,  are  competent  to  create  and  maintain  a 
self-government.  That  is  the  test.  If  people  have  the 
character  of  a  self-governing  people,  they  will  win  out  in 


SYMPATHY  WITH  RUSSIA  101 

self-government.  If  they  have  not  that  character  of  self- 
government,  then  all  the  powers  on  earth  will  not  make  them 
a  self-governing  people.  Above  all  this  they  have  a  noble 
idealism.  They  are  capable  of  entertaining  conceptions  of 
something  above  the  ordinary  affairs  of  every-day  life.  They 
are  capable  not  merely  of  forming  and  maintaining  self-gov- 
ernment, but  they  are  capable  of  doing  great  things  for  the 
betterment  of  mankind  and  the  advancement  of  liberty. 

To  preserve  the  liberty  of  those  people,  this  little  band  of 
men  striving  to  restore  the  morale  of  the  Russian  army, 
trying  to  teach  those  poor  peasants  in  the  army  who  do  not 
read  and  write,  teach  them  why  they  must  be  ready  to  sacri- 
fice their  lives;  trying  to  show  them  that  their  liberty 
requires  still  further  sacrifices  from  them;  this  little  band  of 
men  agonizing  with  their  fellow-countrymen,  struggling  with 
this  mighty  task,  surely  should  have  the  sympathy  and  the 
aid  of  the  people  of  this  republic,  who  enjoy  freedom  and 
prosperity  and  opportunity  through  the  hard  sacrifices  our 
fathers  made. 

I  am  glad  to  have  gone  to  Russia  because  it  has  put  into 
my  heart  a  sympathy  for  those  struggling  people  which  makes 
me  a  better  man.  This  war  has  done  many  things  already. 
I  know  that  for  one  battered  old  campaigner  who  has  been 
through  the  rude  buffets  of  life  for  half  a  century,  it  has  dis- 
solved that  hardness  of  the  heart  which  brings  indifference 
to  the  dreams  of  youth.  It  has  brought  sympathy,  ennobling 
sympathy,  to  us  all.  Sympathy  for  poor,  struggling,  bleed- 
ing Russia.  Sympathy  for  little  Belgium,  like  a  ravished 
child  trodden  down  by  brutal  and  bestial  force.  Sympathy 
for  the  noble  patriotism  and  lofty  character  of  beautiful 
France.  Sympathy  for  the  patriotism  that  leads  the  Italians 
to  the  mountain  summits  for  the  recovery  of  Italia  Irredenta. 
Sympathy  for  that  great  race  which  through  a  thousand 
years  of  stubborn  and  rugged  individual  independence  has 


102  MISSION  TO  RUSSIA 

developed  the  liberty  we  now  enjoy.  And  for  the  mild  and 
complacent  surface  kindliness  which  we  once  professed  for 
all  the  world,  there  has  come  a  deep  and  real  sympathy  of  the 
heart  with  all  these  nations  that  have  become  our  allies !  We 
are  growing  real  instead  of  superficial.  We  are  substituting 
reality  for  pretense. 

But  there  is  something  more  than  mere  sympathy  that  this 
war  has  already  brought.  We  have  been  talking  in  this 
country  of  free  lives  and  liberty  and  justice,  of  freedom  and 
opportunity,  of  American  institutions,  of  the  mission  of 
democracy,  about  the  ideals  of  our  fathers,  and  we  have  been 
talking  from  the  teeth  outward.  We  have  not  felt  it.  I  will 
not  say  we  were  dead  in  trespasses  and  sins;  but  we  were 
dead  or  sleeping  in  wealth  and  ease  and  comfort.  The  brutal 
power  of  Germany,  which  has  repudiated  everything  that 
civilization  has  accomplished  for  the  century  past,  which  has 
repudiated  the  law  of  morals  and  declared  the  German  state 
to  be  superior  to  all  morality ;  which  has  repudiated  the  law 
of  humanity,  and  has  without  quavering  committed  the 
most  dreadful  outrages  in  order  that  she  might  have  the 
benefit  of  inspiring  terror  in  the  world,  the  brutal  power  of 
Germany  has  revealed  at  last  to  our  comfort-loving  people 
the  unreality  of  our  lives,  and  has  shown,  bare  and  naked,  the 
dreadful,  horrid  truth  of  human  nature  unrelieved  by  morals 
or  religion  or  humanity.  It  has  shown  to  us  as  we  never 
realized  before,  what  liberty  and  justice,  what  humanity  and 
compassion,  what  morality  and  right,  really  are. 

We  need  not  talk  about  the  whys  and  wherefores  of  the 
war.  It  is  here  and  the  issue  is  drawn  so  clearly  that  a  child 
could  see.  It  is  for  the  American  people  to  determine 
whether  they  have  the  manhood  to  maintain  the  liberty  that 
their  fathers  gained  for  them  through  sacrifice ;  the  manhood 
to  maintain  the  justice  upon  which  we  have  prided  our- 
selves;  the  manhood  to  defend  those  institutions  of  liberty 


SYMPATHY  WITH  RUSSIA  103 

and  justice  which  we  would  hand  down  to  our  children;  or 
whether  we  shall  submit  and  abandon  them  all. 

The  issue  is  clear  and  distinct  between  the  maintenance  of 
the  American  republic,  free  and  independent;  American 
justice  to  the  rich  and  poor  alike;  American  opportunity  for 
the  boy  and  the  girl;  and  being  so  craven  that  we  will  leave 
our  children  to  be  subjected  to  the  power  of  evil  that  ravished 
Belgium  and  Servia.  Whether  falsehood  and  faithlessness 
and  cynical  contempt  for  morals,  and  cold-blooded  disregard 
of  humanity,  and  utter  absence  of  mercy  and  compassion 
and  denial  of  human  right,  shall  be  the  portion  of  our  children, 
or  whether  the  liberty  which  our  fathers  won  shall  be  handed 
down  to  them  by  the  manhood  of  our  fathers'  sons  and  the 
love  of  our  children's  fathers. 

Ah !  It  has  come  not  too  soon.  It  was  at  the  eleventh  hour 
that  we  came  into  the  vineyard.  The  great  opportunity  of 
the  American  people  was  slipping  away  before  they  could 
grasp  it  —  the  opportunity  to  make  themselves  into  the 
image  of  our  fathers.  The  opportunity  is  to  die,  if  need  be, 
and  to  give  our  dearest  ones  to  death,  that  our  country  may 
live,  that  its  liberty  may  live,  that  its  justice  may  endure, 
that  its  opportunity  for  those  who  toil  and  endure,  may 
continue.  We  have  grasped  the  opportunity  for  that  sacri- 
fice and  suffering  through  which  we  shall  find  our  souls 
again. 

I  thought  as  I  listened  today  to  the  sad  story  of  Edith 
Cavell,  that  it  could  not  be  that  an  infinite  God  would  per- 
mit such  a  dreadful  injustice  to  overcome  the  world.  I  do 
not  know.  We  cannot  measure  the  providences  of  God;  but 
I  have  faith  in  the  power  of  God's  people,  and  God's  people 
are  the  democracies  of  the  earth.  They  are  not  the  czars  or 
the  kaisers  or  the  emperors  or  the  autocrats  or  the  aristoc- 
racies of  the  earth;  they  are  the  democracies  of  the  earth. 
And  I  have  faith  in  the  power  of  democracy  triumphant. 


104  MISSION  TO  RUSSIA 

I  believe  that  struggling  Russia  and  down- trodden  Belgium 
and  awakened  England  and  enduring  France  and  aspiring 
Italy  and  renewed  America,  fighting  in  God's  name  for  the 
principles  of  His  religion,  for  that  compassion,  that  morality, 
that  justice,  which  Christ  preached  upon  earth,  will  over- 
come the  forces  of  a  dark  and  wicked  past,  and  bring  the 
world  into  a  new  day  of  brighter  light  and  happier  life.  And 
in  that  faith,  I  live  —  with  all  the  sorrows,  the  disappoint- 
ments and  the  loss  —  I  live  a  prouder  American  than  I  have 
ever  been  before. 


ADDRESS  OF  JOHN  R.  MOTT 

AT  THE  GREAT  SOBOR  OF  THE  RUSSIAN  ORTHODOX  CHURCH 
MOSCOW,  JUNE  19,  1917 

MY  friend  Mr.  Crane,  and  I  have  been  profoundly 
touched  by  your  whole-souled  welcome.  We  appre- 
ciate sincerely  the  high  honor  you  have  conferred  upon  us  in 
granting  us  the  rare  privilege  of  coming  into  your  midst  and 
participating  in  your  significant  assembly.  We  come  in  the 
name  of  the  President  and  people  of  the  United  States  of 
America.  President  Wilson  in  appointing  a  special  mission 
to  Russia  consisting  of  our  seven  associates  and  ourselves, 
and  having  at  its  head  Senator  Root,  one  of  our  most  eminent 
American  statesmen,  charged  us  with  the  responsibility  of 
conveying  to  the  entire  Russian  nation  the  expression  of  the 
sympathy  and  good  will  of  America  at  this  momentous  period 
of  their  history.  We  have  recognized  clearly  that  if  our  mes- 
sage is  to  reach  the  entire  Russian  nation  and  people  it  must 
be  brought  to  the  Russian  Orthodox  Church  because  we  well 
know  that  your  great  church  constitutes  indeed  the  heart 
of  Russia. 

Through  all  the  years  of  the  life  of  the  American  nation  we 
have  been  bound  to  Russia  by  ties  of  friendship.  They  have 
been  years  of  unbroken  peace  and  of  mutual  helpfulness.  The 
Russian  revolution  with  its  triumph  of  democratic  principles 
has  established  a  new  bond  between  these  two  great  democ- 
racies. An  even  stronger  bond  was  created  when  America 
decided  to  enter  the  world  war  and  thus  to  identify  herself 
with  Russia  in  the  great  life  and  death  struggle.  What  unity 
can  be  stronger  than  that  which  causes  peoples  to  mingle  for 
common  ideals  and  purposes  their  very  life-blood.   Just  as  the 

105 


106  MISSION  TO  RUSSIA 

juices  of  the  separate  grapes  are  poured  together  under  the 
pressure  of  the  wine-press,  so  this  titanic  and  unparalleled 
struggle  which  calls  upon  our  two  peoples  to  lay  down  on 
the  altar  of  the  world's  liberty  our  best  life-blood  will  serve, 
as  no  other  experience,  to  establish  a  deep  and  permanent 
unity  between  the  Russian  and  American  nations. 

The  best  way  in  which  we  can  voice  our  sense  of  apprecia- 
tion of  your  welcome  is  to  say  quite  simply  and  sincerely, 
that  we  feel  entirely  at  home  as  we  come  among  you.  It  has 
been  the  privilege  of  both  Mr.  Crane  and  myself  to  maintain 
an  intimate  touch  with  many  of  the  leaders  and  members  of 
the  various  Eastern  churches.  Only  a  few  years  ago  while 
in  the  Levant  I  had  the  honor  of  meeting  with  the  Patriarchs 
of  Constantinople,  Jerusalem,  Alexandria,  and  Antioch  and 
also  of  visiting  the  ecclesiastical  academies  and  theological 
seminaries  on  the  Island  of  Halki,  where  through  the  kind 
arrangement  of  the  Ecumenical  Patriarch  I  gave  addresses 
to  the  students  and  professors,  and  also  in  Servia,  Bulgaria, 
Greece,  and  Egypt.  We  have  likewise  valued  highly  our 
frequent  contacts  with  the  Russian  Orthodox  Church.  Such 
opportunities  have  presented  themselves  in  our  own  country 
where  your  Church  is  so  well  established.  In  our  difiFerent 
visits  to  Russia  also,  we  have  enjoyed  the  helpful  fellowship 
with  members  of  the  Russian  Church.  Moreover,  in  my  four 
visits  to  Japan  I  have  always  come  into  touch  with  the  fruit- 
ful mission  of  your  Church.  On  two  of  those  visits  I  had  the 
never-to-be-forgotten  privilege  of  intimate  association  with 
that  great  Christian  missionary  and  apostle.  Archbishop 
Nicolai.  On  one  occasion  he  attended  the  Christian  Student 
Conference  which  I  was  conducting  and  while  there  gave  a 
most  powerful  address  on  how  to  bring  the  truth  of  Christ  to 
the  educated  classes  of  Japan.  On  my  last  visit  to  that 
country  I  conducted  a  conference  of  the  leaders  of  the  Chris- 
tian forces  and  your  own  Bishop  Sergius  and  also  the  head 


ADDRESSES  OF  JOHN  R.  MOTT  107 

of  your  theological  seminary  were  present  as  delegates.  The 
opportunity  of  mingling  with  Russian  Christians  which  I 
have  appreciated  most  deeply  was  that  which  came  to  me 
during  my  two  visits  to  the  prisoner-of-war  camps  in  Ger- 
many and  Austria-Hungary.  Possibly  many  of  you  do  not 
know  that  the  Christians  of  America  early  in  the  war  were 
given  permission  to  extend  the  helpful  ministry  of  the 
Young  Men's  Christian  Association  to  the  prison  camps  of 
these  countries,  and  that  we  have  had  over  thirty  wise  and 
unselfish  American  workers  busily  engaged  throughout  the 
larger  part  of  the  war  in  helping  to  meet  the  needs  of  the 
Russian  prisoners  as  well  as  those  of  the  other  Allied  coun- 
tries. It  would  be  difficult,  yes  impossible,  to  express  to  you 
adequately  the  sense  of  joy  and  deep  satisfaction  it  has 
afforded  us  to  be  permitted  in  this  way  to  become  better 
acquainted  with  the  Russian  people  and  with  the  Russian 
soul.  Anything  which  God  will  permit  us  to  do  directly  or 
indirectly  to  serve  the  Russian  prisoners  we  will  gladly  do. 

There  are  three  words  or  messages  which  I  wish  to  bring  to 
all  the  members  of  this  Sobor,  and  through  you  to  the  more 
than  one  hundred  million  men  and  women  who  belong  to  the 
Russian  Orthodox  Church.  The  first  message  I  would  con- 
vey is  one  of  the  deep  gratitude  of  the  American  people  to  the 
Russian  Christians  and  to  the  Russian  people  as  a  whole. 
We  shall  never  forget  the  service  rendered  by  Russia  to  our 
country  at  the  time  of  our  War  for  Independence,  and  also 
again  in  the  midst  of  our  Civil  War.  Moreover,  we  recognize 
that  in  the  present  world  war  the  Russian  soldiers  and  people 
have  been  fighting  battles  for  us.  I  realize  in  some  measure 
what  a  price  you  have  paid  on  our  behalf  as  well  as  your  own 
in  struggling  for  the  freedom  of  the  world,  because  I  remem- 
ber the  two  million  lonely  Russian  prisoners  so  many  of  whom 
I  have  visited  in  the  prisoner-of-war  camps;  also  your  hun- 
dreds of  military  hospitals  which  have  at  times  been  so 


108  MISSION  TO  RUSSIA 

crowded  with  their  suffering  inmates;  nor  do  I  forget  the 
countless  graves  and  sorrowing  homes.  As  we  reflect  on 
these  sacrifices  and  sufferings  is  it  strange  that  my  people 
feel  under  a  sense  of  lasting  gratitude  to  Russia  ?  We  are 
also  deeply  grateful  because  of  what  you  are  proposing  and 
planning  to  do  to  continue  this  struggle  to  a  successful  issue. 
That  you  will  do  this  we  do  not  question.  Let  me  also  men- 
tion as  a  ground  for  thankfulness  to  Russia  the  valuable  con- 
structive service  accomplished  within  the  United  States  by 
the  Russian  Orthodox  Church.  America  is  a  cosmopolitan 
country.  Among  the  people  who  have  come  to  us  from  dif- 
ferent lands  are  millions  of  Russians.  What  do  we  not  owe  to 
your  Church  in  following  them  with  its  blessed  ministries  and 
helping  to  develop  among  them  true  Christian  citizens! 
Never  can  we  speak  too  highly  of  the  splendid  foundations 
laid  by  your  church  leaders  such  as  the  highly  beloved  Arch- 
bishop Platon  and  Archbishop  Nikhon.  American  Chris- 
tians are  likewise  profoundly  grateful  to  the  Russian  Church 
for  all  that  it  has  done  through  the  centuries  to  enrich 
our  common  Christianity.  We  think  of  your  great  contri- 
butions in  the  realm  of  ecclesiastical  architecture  and  sacred 
art,  through  your  noble  and  uplifting  churches  and  cath- 
edrals, through  the  wonderful  frescoes  and  paintings  and 
through  the  many  priceless  ikons.  We  have  been  profoundly 
moved  by  your  church  music,  a  sphere  in  which  you  excel 
all  the  Christians.  Here  let  me  pay  a  tribute  to  my  country- 
man and  friend,  Mr.  Charles  R.  Crane,  who  through  the 
years  has  had  such  a  sympathetic  interest  in  all  that  is  best 
in  Russian  life.  As  some  of  you  know,  he  was  the  means, 
through  his  large  financial  cooperation,  of  bringing  over  to 
America  some  of  your  best  church  singers  and  of  building  up 
in  connection  with  the  Russian  Cathedral  in  New  York,  one 
of  the  best  Russian  church  choirs  in  the  world.  Its  sacred 
concerts  given  among  lovers  of  the  best  music  in  all  our  great 


ADDRESSES  OF  JOHN  R.  MOTT  109 

cities,  in  our  universities  and  at  Christian  gatherings  have 
already  accomplished  much  in  the  direction  of  cultivating 
among  the  Christians  of  America  a  love  for  the  best  church 
music.  One  of  your  greatest  contributions  to  the  Christian 
religion  has  been  your  faithful  and  fearless  witness  through 
the  centuries  to  great  and  essential  Christian  truths.  With 
grateful  memory  we  also  recall  the  lives  of  many  of  your 
confessors,  martyrs,  and  saints. 

My  second  message  is  an  expression  of  solicitude  and 
sympathetic  caution  lest  in  this  time  of  great  upheaval  the 
position  and  hold  of  the  Russian  Church  be  weakened.  The 
foundations  of  the  world  are  heaving.  Institutions  which  we 
had  thought  solid  and  enduring  have  proved  to  be  resting  on 
shifting  sand.  Christ  and  His  Church  were  never  so  neces- 
sary, never  so  unique  and,  if  given  their  central  position,  will 
prove  never  to  have  been  more  sufficient.  None  of  us  will 
forget  that  in  the  period  of  the  Tartars  and  in  other  times  of 
grave  menace  it  was  the  Russian  Church  which  held  the 
nation  together.  It  has  been  most  encouraging  and  inspiring 
to  visit  this  great  gathering  and  to  see  the  open-minded  and 
thorough  way  in  which  so  many  of  your  church  leaders  are 
facing  their  problems  and  seeking  to  adapt  the  church  to  new 
and  modern  conditions.  This  process  is  sure  to  result  in 
great  and  lasting  good.  I^et  us  have  the  courage  to  welcome 
and  accept  the  truth  from  any  quarter.  In  this  period  of 
change  and  readjustment,  while  we  are  earnestly  seeking  to 
lay  hold  of  new  truth  for  the  life  and  work  of  the  church,  let 
us  with  like  intensity  and  conviction  hold  fast  to  all  that  is 
true  in  historic  Christianity;  let  us  continue  to  ring  true 
regarding  the  unchangeable  and  mighty  truths  of  creedal 
Christianity;  let  us  in  a  day  of  crass  materialism  and  of  cold 
intellectualism  preserve  the  priceless  possession  of  mystical 
Christianity;  let  us  at  all  costs  see  that  our  Christianity  is 
abounding  in  vitality;  and,  through  the  fearless  and  unflinch- 


110  MISSION  TO  RUSSIA 

ing  application  of  Christ's  principles,  let  us  insist  that  it  be 
made  an  adequate  transforming  power  in  social  and  national 
life  and  in  international  relationships. 

My  third  message  is  one  of  hope  and  reassurance.  You 
are  engaged  in  the  greatest  struggle  which  the  world  has  ever 
known.  I  come  to  remind  you  that  the  United  States  is  with 
you  in  this  conflict  to  the  very  end.  The  American  people 
love  peace  and  hate  war.  We  did  all  that  we  could  do  in 
justice  to  our  conscience  to  keep  out  of  this  world  war,  but 
finally  to  be  true  to  our  souls  and  our  highest  guiding  prin- 
ciples we  found  it  necessary  to  join  you  and  the  other  Allies. 
In  doing  so  we  have  counted  the  cost  and  are  ready  to  pay  it. 
Since  I  left  my  home  over  ten  millions  of  American  young 
men  have  registered  themselves  as  ready  to  serve  their  nation 
in  this  struggle  in  any  way  which  the  authorities  may  desig- 
nate. This  great  host  are  being  called  up  in  lots  of  five 
hundred  thousand  each  to  be  thoroughly  trained.  The  week 
I  left  America  fourteen  great  officers'  camps  were  opened  in 
which  over  forty  thousand  officers  are  being  prepared  for 
their  responsibilities.  Our  Congress  have  already  authorized 
the  raising  by  loans  and  taxation  for  meeting  the  requirements 
of  the  war  the  equivalent  of  over  thirty  billions  of  roubles. 
Our  various  states  and  municipalities  as  well  as  the  National 
Government  have  thrown  themselves  with  earnestness  into 
the  work  of  preparation.  All  our  great  industries  are  being 
mobilized  with  reference  to  rendering  the  maximum  of  service 
in  the  war.  The  work  of  production  and  distribution  has 
been  put  in  the  ablest  hands  for  the  same  purpose,  and  our 
means  of  communication  have  been  placed  at  the  disposal  of 
the  Government.  General  Pershing  and  some  of  the  first 
contingent  of  our  troops  have  landed  in  France.  We  already 
have  naval  vessels  at  work  in  European  waters.  It  may 
safely  be  said  that  ninety-nine  per  cent,  if  not  more,  of  the 
American  people  stand  solidly  behind  our  great  President  in 


ADDRESSES  OF  JOHN  R.  MOTT  111 

the  purposes  which  he  has  announced.  Let  this  message, 
therefore,  remind  you  that  you  are  not  alone.  Go  back  to  all 
your  parishes  in  cities,  towns,  and  villages  and  tell  the  Rus- 
sian people  that  America  is  with  them.  Say  to  them  that 
just  as  Russia  came  to  the  help  of  America  in  the  darkest 
hours  of  her  history,  so  America  now  joins  Russia  in  this 
moment  of  grave  crisis.  Tell  them  to  stand  firmly  behind 
the  Provisional  Government.  Tell  them  to  be  true  to  the 
Church  that  it  may  in  this  time  of  colossal  strain  preserve  the 
solidarity  of  the  nation.  Tell  them  that  we  believe  that,  in 
view  of  what  Russia  has  already  achieved  in  this  war,  in 
view  of  the  wonderful  sacrifices  which  the  Russian  people 
have  already  made,  in  view  of  the  vast  and  vital  issues  at 
stake,  and  in  view  of  the  urgency  of  the  situation  and  the 
gravity  of  the  crisis,  Russia  and  her  allies  must  continue 
steadfast  to  the  end.  Above  all  let  the  Church  be  unfailing 
in  reminding  the  people  that  God  only  can  enable  us  to 
accomplish  His  high  and  holy  purpose.  While  everything 
else  is  changeable  and  changing,  Jesus  Christ  is  the  same 
yesterday,  today,  yea,  and  forever. 


ADDRESS  OF  JOHN  R.  MOTT 

AT  A  DINNER  GIVEN  BY  MR.  EMANUEL  NOBEL  AT  HIS 
HOME  IN  PETROGRAD.  JUNE  21.  1917 

AFTER  the  felicitous  words  of  our  honored  and  beloved 
,  ambassador,  Mr.  Francis,  it  is  not  necessary  that  I 
should  reiterate  the  expression  of  deepest  gratitude  of  my 
associates  and  myself  for  the  gracious  and  generous  hospital- 
ity of  our  host.  We  esteem  it  a  great  honor  and  privilege  to 
meet  in  the  home  of  one  who  is  associated  in  our  thoughts 
with  so  many  valuable  and  constructive  services  for  man- 
kind, and  also  to  have  fellowship  this  evening  with  this  par- 
ticular group  of  men  of  wide  outlook  and  of  responsiveness  to 
the  highest  purposes  which  move  men.  It  is  an  added  source 
of  satisfaction  to  those  of  us  who  belong  to  the  Special  Mis- 
sion, sent  by  President  Wilson  to  Russia,  to  find  here  tonight 
the  members  of  the  council  of  the  Miyak  Society.  One  of  the 
purposes  of  our  Mission,  as  emphasized  by  President  Wilson, 
is  that  we  shall  study  ways  in  which  Russia  and  America  can 
best  cooperate.  The  Miyak  and  its  work  constitute  one  of 
the  finest  illustrations  of  unselfish  cooperation  between  large- 
minded  and  large-hearted  citizens  of  these  two  great  nations. 
It  has  been  an  inspiring  sight  through  all  the  recent  years  to 
observe  how  in  this  organization  the  streams  of  benevolence, 
of  experience,  of  idealism  and  of  practical  working  efficiency 
of  the  two  nationalities  have  blended  to  the  mutual  helpful- 
ness of  both  peoples.  Thus  while  we  of  the  Special  Mission 
from  America  are  studying  and  discussing  the  subject  of 
cooperation  between  the  two  peoples,  you  of  this  beneficent 
society,  both  the  members  of  your  council  and  your  able 
secretaries  as  well  as  your  unfailing  supporters  here  and  in 
America  are  actually  exemplifying  a  splendid  cooperation. 


ADDRESSES  OF  JOHN  R.  MOTT  113 

Although  this  is  my  fourth  visit  to  Russia,  it  is  the  first 
time  that  I  have  had  the  opportunity  to  travel  throughout 
the  vast  breadth  of  this  country  as  it  stretches  from  ocean  to 
ocean.  As  I  have  journeyed  from  Vladivostok  to  Petrograd 
and  as  I  have  considered  more  thoroughly  than  ever  before 
the  needs  and  possibilities  of  the  great  cities  of  Russia,  I  have 
been  asking  myself  day  by  day  why  should  there  not  be  a 
chain  of  Miyaks  bringing  the  helpful  ministries  of  this 
society  to  the  young  men  and  boys  of  all  the  principal  Rus- 
sian cities.  My  study  of  the  valuable  and  constructive  work 
accomplished  by  the  Miyak  in  Petrograd  has  convinced  me 
that  what  you  have  been  doing  here  is  reproducible,  and  the 
question  may  well  be  raised  whether  the  time  is  not  at  hand 
when  this  helpful  agency  should  be  transplanted  gradually, 
yet  as  rapidly  as  practicable,  first  to  Moscow  and  then  to 
other  leading  centers  of  population. 

We  are  living  in  the  most  eventful  and  critical  moment  in 
the  life  of  Russia.  It  is  a  time  of  upheaval  and  readjustment 
to  be  followed  in  the  near  future  by  a  period  of  significant 
reconstruction.  At  such  a  moment  it  is  fitting  that  we  re- 
examine the  foundations  of  greatness  in  the  life  of  a  nation. 
What  is  it  that  makes  a  nation  truly  great  .?  Not  the  extent 
of  its  territory  or  dominions;  not  the  size  of  its  population; 
not  the  number  of  its  millionaires;  not  the  strength  and  out- 
put of  its  industrial  establishment  —  none  of  these  constitute 
the  real  source  of  greatness  in  a  nation.  Moreover,  education 
by  itself,  in  the  common  acceptation  of  the  term,  cannot 
ensure  true  national  greatness.  We  all  know  that  one  of  the 
best,  if  not  the  best  educated  nation  in  the  world  is  possibly 
the  most  dangerous  nation.  Education  simply  sharpens  the 
weapons  and  makes  one  more  skillful  in  their  use,  —  but 
uses  them  for  what  and  against  what  ?  It  was  said  of  the 
brilliant  Lorenzo  di  Medici  that  "  he  was  cultured  yet  cor- 
rupt, wise  yet  cruel,  spending  the  morning  writing  a  sonnet 


114  MISSION  TO  RUSSIA 

in  praise  of  virtue  and  spending  the  night  in  vice."  I  care 
not  how  well  educated  a  man  may  be;  if  he  has  low  ideals,  a 
corrupt  heart  and  an  ungoverned  will,  he  is  a  menace  to 
society  and  a  seam  of  weakness  in  the  life  of  the  nation. 
What  then  makes  a  nation  truly  great  ?  The  ideals,  the 
character  and  the  spirit  of  a  people;  and  history  shows  that 
ideals  cannot  be  placed  and  held  at  their  highest,  that  char- 
acter cannot  be  made  symmetrical  and  strong,  and  that  the 
spirit  cannot  be  made  free  and  triumphant  apart  from  the 
help  of  true  religion.  Therefore,  the  work  of  a  society  like 
the  Miyak,  which  corresponds  to  the  Young  Men's  Christian 
Association  of  America  and  other  lands,  is  striking  at  the 
heart  of  the  most  critical  problems  in  the  life  of  the  nation. 
What  could  be  more  important  than  to  make  sure  that  such 
agencies  are  securely  planted,  ably  led,  and  generously 
supported  in  all  of  the  principal  cities  of  Russia. 

There  is  another  field  in  Russia  for  the  work  of  the  Young 
Men's  Christian  Association  which  presents  an  even  more 
urgent  appeal  at  this  present  hour,  and  that  is  the  millions 
of  Russian  young  men  in  the  army  and  navy.  The  war  has 
reached  its  most  critical  stage.  The  young  men  in  the  train- 
ing camps,  in  the  reserve  camps,  and  in  the  trenches,  and 
likewise  on  the  war  vessels  and  at  the  naval  stations,  will 
determine  more  than  any  other  one  factor  the  outcome. 
How  desirable  it  is  that  everything  possible  be  done  to  pre- 
serve among  them  high  morale,  efficient  action  and  a  con- 
quering spirit.  The  experience  in  the  other  great  armies  of 
the  Allies  has  shown  conclusively  that  the  work  of  these 
associations  has  accomplished  wonders  in  ensuring  these 
highly  desirable  and  essential  results.  Such  work  has  spread 
in  the  British  army  until  now  it  is  conducted  at  two  thousand 
different  points.  Since  the  war  began  they  have  expended 
in  support  of  such  associations  over  one  million  pounds. 
Thousands  of  efficient  secretaries  and  tens  of  thousands  of 


ADDRESSES  OF  JOHN  R.  MOTT  115 

unselfish  volunteer  workers  are  busily  engaged  in  bringing 
this  helpful  ministry  to  their  five  millions  of  soldiers.  It  has 
been  introduced  with  like  success  into  the  brilliant  French 
army,  that  army  which  has  made  such  a  remarkable  record 
in  this  war.  At  hundreds  of  points  in  the  garrison  cities,  in 
the  reserve  camps,  and  now  quite  near  the  fighting  lines,  they 
have  established  these  associations  known  as  Foyers  du 
Soldat.  Since  I  have  been  in  Petrograd  I  have  received  a 
cablegram  from  France  asking  me  to  secure  and  send  to  them 
five  hundred  Americans  to  enable  them  to  extend  this  society 
more  widely  and  rapidly  throughout  the  entire  French  army. 
Recently  also  the  Italian  Government  has  permitted  the 
Association  to  begin  similar  work  among  their  soldiers.  A 
remarkable  service  has  been  accomplished  by  this  society  in 
that  army  which  has  had  to  endure  so  much  suffering  and 
strain,  the  one  in  Mesopotamia.  The  day  that  America 
decided  to  enter  the  war  a  telegram  was  sent  to  President 
Wilson  placing  at  the  disposal  of  the  American  Government 
the  organization  of  the  Young  Men's  Christian  Association. 
He  accepted  the  offer  with  most  hearty  appreciation  and  has 
done  everything  in  his  power  to  facilitate  the  work.  He  has 
issued  a  special  executive  order  calling  upon  the  officers  in 
the  American  army  to  give  the  Association  every  practical 
facility  for  its  work.  During  the  past  few  weeks  the  Asso- 
ciation called  upon  and  received  from  the  American  people, 
rich  and  poor,  for  the  support  of  this  work  in  the  American 
army  for  the  first  year,  over  four  million  dollars. 

We  have  been  glad  to  learn  that  at  several  points  in  dif- 
ferent parts  of  Russia  within  the  past  few  weeks  similar  work 
has  been  organized  for  the  Russian  soldiers.  Is  this  not  a 
most  opportune  time  to  spread  these  agencies  for  the  physi- 
cal, mental,  and  moral  betterment  of  the  soldiers  among  all 
parts  of  the  great  Russian  army  and  into  the  navy  as  well  ? 
I  do  not  fear  for  soldiers  when  they  are  fighting  or  when  they 


116  MISSION  TO  RUSSIA 

are  drilling.  The  time  concerning  which  I  have  anxiety  is 
their  leisure  hours.  Every  soldier  has  a  number  of  spare 
hours  each  day.  Shall  these  hours  be  spent  in  idleness,  in 
dissipation  and  in  unprofitable  agitation;  or  shall  they  be 
spent  in  helpful  recreation,  in  growth,  in  knowledge,  and  men- 
tal eflBciency,  in  strengthening  of  character  and  in  unselfish 
service  among  one's  fellows  ?  The  Young  Men's  Christian 
Association  has  shown  itself  able  to  answer  this  vital  question 
in  the  right  way.  Therefore,  it  has  the  unqualified  endorse- 
ment of  the  generals  and  admirals  of  the  armies  and  navies 
of  the  various  Allied  countries  where  it  has  been  introduced. 
We  bespeak  for  this  organization  the  hearty  approval  and 
cooperation  of  the  discerning  leaders  of  Russia  and,  in  partic- 
ular, of  the  ofiicers,  soldiers,  and  sailors.  Let  me  in  closing 
express  on  behalf  of  the  American  people  our  desire  to 
cooperate  with  our  friends  in  Russia  in  every  way  in  our 
power  to  facilitate  the  development  of  this  helpful  movement 
among  your  soldiers  and  sailors  and  likewise  among  other 
classes  of  your  young  men.  We  in  America  feel  that  during 
the  past  three  years  you  have  indeed  been  fighting  our  battles 
for  us.  You  have  paid  tremendous  prices  which  we  can  never 
adequately  repay.  Anything,  therefore,  which  we  can  possi- 
bly do  to  strengthen  your  hands  at  this  momentous  hour, 
when  with  us  and  the  other  Allies  you  press  on  to  achieve  the 
full  purpose  of  the  war,  we  will  gladly  do. 


ADDRESS  OF  JAMES  DUNCAN 

AT  THE  ALL  RUSSIA  TRADE  UNION  CONVENTION  HELD 
IN  PETROGRAD,  JULY  5,  1917 

AS  a  representative  of  the  organized  labor  movement  of 
.  North  America — the  American  Federation  of  Labor — 
I  greet  and  congratulate  you  on  the  great  Russian  revolu- 
tion and  on  the  possibility  and  on  the  fact  of  your  holding  this 
convention  for  the  study  and  development  of  better  condi- 
tions of  employment  and  of  compensation  for  labor  per- 
formed. 

The  need  for  full  organization  among  all  the  workmen  in 
your  new  democracy  is  as  essential,  and  I  am  sure  as  neces- 
sary, as  we  in  America  have  found  it  to  be. 

It  is,  indeed,  a  pleasure  to  have  this  opportunity  to  meet 
so  many  representatives  of  trade  unions  in  Russia.  Build 
solidly  into  your  respective  organizations.  It  will  be  wiser  to 
build  safely  and  well  than  to  have  a  speedily  arranged  mem- 
bership with  perhaps  almost  as  speedy  collapse. 

Having  gained  your  liberty  from  autocratic  rule,  the  new 
and  general  constitution  of  your  free  people  will  provide  how 
the  new  Russia  is  to  be  governed;  and,  as  good  union  men 
you  will  prove  you  are  true  to  your  new  trust  and  to  the  great 
responsibilities  that  representative  government  brings,  by 
giving  candid  support  to  such  officers  as  the  new  regulations 
will  provide  and  as  the  new  democracy  of  Russia  will  elect. 

Above  and  beyond  everything  else,  see  to  the  safety  of  full 
democratic  government  for  all  Russia.  Do  not  trifle  with  nor 
belittle  this  all-important  subject.  Under  it  you  will  remain 
free.  If  you  let  the  opportunity  slip  from  you  a  worse 
serfdom  would  await  you  even  than  you  have  suffered  in  the 
dark  past. 


118  MISSION  TO  RUSSIA 

This  will  come  under  the  heading  of  your  political  activity, 
but  do  not  let  that  fact  lull  you  into  the  belief  that  your  full 
interests  as  working  men  and  women  of  Russia  have  thereby 
been  accomplished.  From  the  experience  of  the  working 
people  of  the  United  States  of  America  we  advise  that  in 
addition  to  these  political  activities  the  working  men  and 
women  of  Russia  should  thoroughly  and  strongly  organize 
into  trade  and  labor  unions.  You  will  find,  as  we  have  found, 
that  however  beneficent  a  law  may  appear  to  be,  the  official, 
usually  a  politician,  to  whom  authority  is  given  to  see  that  the 
law  is  carried  into  effect  may  become  careless,  if  not  antago- 
nistic to  your  interests,  unless  he  knows  that  the  workers  to 
whom  the  law  applies  are  thoroughly  organized  and  may  go 
on  strike  to  get  the  benefits  of  the  law,  in  which  case  he  will 
be  more  respectful  of  its  provisions. 

Later  on,  when  a  fuller  and  better  understanding  exists 
between  the  organized  workers  of  America  and  of  Russia,  we 
will  exchange  with  your  unions  our  trade  journals,  our  labor 
statistics  and  documents  which  will  be  found  to  be  of  mutual 
interest. 

These  publications  we  may  have  a  chance  to  send  you 
will  also  show  the  advantage  of  the  encouragement  and  use 
of  trade  union  labels  upon  products  turned  out  by  union 
workers.  A  label  on  the  clothing  we  wear,  on  the  books  we 
read,  on  our  shoes,  and  on  the  tools  of  our  trade  will  indicate 
to  the  purchaser  that  they  were  made  under  fair  conditions 
of  employment.  This  has  been  a  great  development  with  us 
and  in  consequence  we  have  many  trade  labels,  for  each 
trade  having  them  introduced  a  label  or  stamp  of  its  own. 
This  was  a  result  of  many  years  of  experience  and  develop- 
ment of  the  separate  unions,  each  striving  for  the  greatest 
individual  accomplishment  and  introducing  such  labels  as  at 
first  appeared  to  be  of  greatest  individual  service  and  which 
accounts  for  the  number  of  them.    From  our  experience  we 


ADDRESSES  OF  JAMES  DUNCAN  119 

recommend  that  among  your  organizations  a  general  stamp 
or  label  may  be  used  by  all,  for  as  you  can  act  conjointly 
upon  this  subject  it  would  be  more  efficient  to  have  one 
general  designation  than  for  each  occupation  to  have  a  label 
or  stamp  for  itself. 

Strenuous  effort  toward  economic  organization  will  put  the 
people  you  represent  into  a  position  to  arrange  for  practical 
trade  agreements  with  employers  providing  for  working 
conditions,  such  as  fair  wages  or  compensation  for  your  labor 
power,  clean  and  sanitary  workshops,  redress  from  such 
wrongs  as  from  time  to  time  arise,  the  eight-hour  work  day, 
half -holiday  on  Saturday,  weekly  pay-days  in  standard  coin, 
overtime  pay  at  time  and  a  half  for  ordinary  overtime  and 
double  pay  for  holidays  and  Sundays. 

These  and  many  other  conditions  affecting  employment 
need  to  be  dealt  with  as  grievances  occur  and  cannot  be 
regulated  by  general  legislation,  nor  can  those  who  may 
be  oppressed  wait  at  all  times  for  legislative  relief,  hence 
the  need  for  practical  organization  and  for  trade  regulations 
to  deal  with  the  inner  life  and  needs  of  workers  in  their 
respective  employments. 

During  war  times  you  will  find  it  advisable,  as  we  have 
found  it  in  America,  to  work  much  overtime  to  help  produce 
munitions  for  the  soldiers  at  the  front.  This  should  be  done 
in  two  shifts  of  eight  hours  or  three  shifts  of  eight  hours  each 
in  the  twenty-four  hour  day,  no  workers  being  required  to 
work  more  than  eight  hours  in  the  twenty-four.  Kindly 
keep  in  mind  that  the  workers  of  all  countries  have  the  same 
contentions  and  tribulations  to  meet  and  to  solve.  They 
have  the  same  industrial  tyrants  to  contend  with,  conse- 
quently all  workers  in  all  countries  must  cooperate  in  the 
great  duty  of  hastening  the  coming  of  not  only  free  political 
democracy  throughout  the  civilized  world  but  making  for  the 
great  industrial  democracy  under  which  there  will  be  equal 


120  MISSION  TO  RUSSIA 

justice  to  all  and  under  which  an  all-round  square  deal  will  be 
the  rule  and  guide  of  human  activities. 

The  people  of  America  came  into  the  war  without  thought 
of  gain  other  than  that  which  comes  from  the  extension  of 
democracy,  and  consequently  the  decrease  of  monarchial 
rule.  America,  with  Russia,  therefore,  forms  a  partnership 
of  honor  and  with  this  object  in  mind  each  should  and  will 
perform  its  full  part  in  bringing  the  war  in  Europe  to  a  speedy 
and  successful  end. 

Again  expressing  to  you  the  fraternal  greeting  of  the 
American  Federation  of  Labor  on  your  revolution  and  on 
your  present  convention  and  pledging  to  you  our  undivided 
support  in  such  manner  as  we  may  have  opportunity  to  give 
it,  I  will  conclude  by  wishing  you  success  in  the  great  work 
which  lies  before  you.  Your  responsibilities  are  great.  I 
beg  of  you  to  embrace  and  to  utilize  them.  The  time  to  do  so 
is  opportune  with  the  drafting  of  your  national  declaration 
of  independence,  comprising  your  fundamental  regulations. 
It  will  be  easier  to  lay  the  proper  foundation  of  a  healthy 
labor  movement  now  than  when  there  might  be  concentrated 
effort  made  to  abridge  your  opportunities  to  thoroughly 
organize  into  militant  trade  and  employment  associations. 
Take  co-equal  interest  in  economic  as  in  political  organiza- 
tion, and  as  good  citizens  you  need  to  give  undivided  atten- 
tion to  both.  It  is  a  great  honor  and  a  great  pleasure  to 
have  had  this  opportunity  given  me  by  President  Wilson  of 
the  United  States  of  America  to  convey  the  good  will  of  the 
American  people  to  you  in  Russia,  and  I  herewith  comply 
with  his  instructions  and  mandate  in  conveying  that  thought 
to  you.    Long  live  the  Democracy  of  Russia! 


ADDRESS  OF  JAMES  DUNCAN 

AT  KADETSKY  CORPUS,  PETROGRAD,  JUNE  29,  1917 

AS  a  representative  of  the  organized  labor  movement  of 
.  North  America,  appointed  by  President  Wilson  to  serve 
on  the  commission  from  the  United  States  of  America  to  the 
new  republic  of  Russia,  I  bring  you  fraternal  greetings. 
The  purpose  of  the  American  Mission  in  coming  to  Russia 
and  to  Petrograd  was  not  simply  to  bring  a  message,  nor  to 
deliver  a  lecture,  but  to  congratulate  you  on  the  great  revolu- 
tion from  autocracy  to  democracy  which  has  just  taken  place; 
to  ascertain  your  needs  and  methods  and  to  offer  such  assist- 
ance as  we  in  America  can  be  to  you  in  the  present  inspiring 
national  development.  It  is  also  a  great  pleasure  to  me,  as 
the  international  president  of  my  own  trade  association  and 
as  vice-president  of  the  great  organized  labor  movement  of 
America,  to  bring  fraternal  greetings  from  both  organizations 
to  you  and  to  pledge  our  assistance  in  whatever  way  we  can 
be  of  the  fullest  service  to  you.  The  Granite  Cutters'  Asso- 
ciation of  which  I  am  a  member  and  officer,  began  organizing 
one  hundred  years  ago.  It  now  includes  ninety-six  per  cent 
of  the  men  employed  in  the  industry.  We  have  one  hundred 
and  twelve  unions  in  America,  covering  the  United  States  and 
Canada,  and  which  are  amalgamated  into  a  general  organi- 
zation— the  American  Federation  of  Labor — to  which  I  have 
already  referred  and  which,  with  the  railroad  men  of  America, 
number  2,500,000  workers. 

In  a  general  way  and  through  our  unions  we  demand  that 
equal  hours  of  labor  and  equal  compensation  be  given  to 
women  workers  as  to  men,  for  equal  service,  and  we  are 
endeavoring  to  organize  all  women  workers  into  their  respec- 


122  MISSION  TO  RUSSIA 

live  trade  or  employment  unions  so  that  they  may  have  the 
benefit  of  organized  effort  and  activity  to  protect  and  assist 
them  the  same  as  men  enjoy.  It  has  been  found  to  be  very 
diflBcult  to  get  employers  to  recognize  this  demand  and  to  pay 
the  same  wages  to  women  as  to  men  for  they  have  been  accus- 
tomed to  pay  them  a  much  lower  rate.  This  was  unfair  to 
women  workers  and  they  were  thereby  used  to  hold  down  the 
wage  rate  paid  to  men. 

In  your  present  situation  you  are  confronted  with  a  great 
public  responsibility.  You  are  helping,  even  leading  in  the 
proper  and  permanent  formation  of  representative  govern- 
ment in  Russia.  Heretofore  you  have  been  oppressed  both 
in  political  procedure  and  in  trade  union  organization,  so 
your  activities  thereunder  have  been  principally  devoted  to 
a  radical  change  from  autocratic  to  democratic  and  essen- 
tially to  representative  government.  Now  the  authority 
of  autocrats  in  Russia  has  been  repudiated  and  you  are 
entrusted  with  the  earnest  and  constructive  work  of  helping 
to  establish  a  system  of  government  based  upon  the  consent 
of  those  who  are  to  be  governed.  No  government  can  or 
should  endure  that  is  not  based  upon  the  general  consent  of 
the  people  who  are  to  live  under  it.  Recognizing  this  demo- 
cratic concept  and  under  the  existing  circumstances,  the 
responsibility  of  this  Council  of  Workmen's  and  Soldiers' 
Deputies  is  of  the  utmost  importance.  For  untold  centuries, 
those  who  follow  you  will  refer  back  to  your  opportunity  in 
helping  to  lay  down  the  great  fundamental  principles  of  free 
and  representative  government  and  will  point  to  your  wis- 
dom and  to  your  foresight,  in  the  same  manner  as  the  free 
citizens  of  the  United  States  of  America  do  now  speak  of  the 
statesmanship  of  those  who,  one  hundred  and  forty-one 
years  ago,  formulated  the  great  declarations  which  form  the 
basic  structure  of  representative  government  in  the  greatest 
democracy  the  world  has  thus  far  witnessed.     The  republic 


ADDRESSES  OF  JAMES  DUNCAN  123 

beyond  the  Pacific  Ocean,  proud  of  its  history,  jealous  of  its 
position  among  the  great  nations  of  the  earth,  and  prepared 
to  defend  the  principles  of  democracy  against  any  or  all 
interference,  welcomes  the  citizenship  of  New  Russia  on  this 
side  of  the  Pacific  to  the  dignified  and  honorable  position  of 
self-government  and  to  the  roster  of  twentieth  century 
national  democracies.  Seldom  in  the  world's  history  has 
such  an  opportunity  fallen  to  the  lot  of  responsible  men. 
Republics  in  the  past  have  been  organized  and  too  soon  have 
passed  into  history  because  of  not  having  been  properly 
organized  upon  the  true  fundamentals  of  democratic  govern- 
ment. They  represented  but  a  small  portion  of  the  people, 
that  is,  the  aristocracy  instead  of  all  the  people.  Their  laws 
were  not  formed  for,  nor  to  comprehend  the  will  of  those  to  be 
governed  and,  therefore,  were  doomed  to  passive  existence. 
Dynasties  have  risen  and  fallen  in  other  countries  much 
the  same  and  because  of  similar  misrule  to  that  of  the  Roman- 
offs. Other  dynasties  have  supplanted  them  and  through 
similar  tyrannical  and  extreme  militaristic  procedure,  as  has 
been  and  is  yet  practised  under  the  rule  of  the  Hapsburgs  and 
the  HohenzoUerns,  have  kept  the  common  people  in  degra- 
dation and  in  subjection.  But  a  new  time  has  come.  The 
people  as  a  whole  dare  to  be  free,  they  dare  to  govern  them- 
selves and  throughout  the  whole  world  propose  and  expect 
to  collaborate  in  the  halls  of  legislation  so  that,  if  they  must 
fight  on  the  battlefields  for  defense  of  the  rights  of  free  people, 
they  themselves  will  determine  the  course  to  pursue  and 
against  whom  and  for  what  purpose  their  life's  blood  is  to 
be  shed.  In  this  magnificent  aspect  the  people  of  America 
are  with  you.  They  have  entered  the  war  for  that  consum- 
mation. They  propose  that  the  free  peoples  of  the  civilized 
world  shall  stand  together  and  shall  fight  together  for  liberty, 
for  self-government,  for  free  speech,  for  a  free  press,  for  free 
assemblage,  and  for  the  right  to  protest  against  wrongs, 


124  '       MISSION  TO  RUSSIA 

whether  economic  or  political,  and  that  a  public  injury  to 
one  citizen  shall  be  the  concern  of  all  citizens. 

In  this  way  misery,  hunger,  oppression,  lack  of  employ- 
ment, partition  or  desecration  of  the  home  circle  and  govern- 
mental interference  with  domestic  well-being  will  be  reduced 
to  a  minimum.  In  this  way  hope  of  betterment,  a  suflB- 
ciency  of  food,  justice,  reasonable  guarantee  of  employment 
with  all  its  beneficent  encouragements,  the  virtues  which 
brighten  the  home  circle  and  which  give  life  a  humane 
tone  bordering  upon  that  which  is  divine,  will  be  given  due 
consideration  and  will  be  foremost  in  the  minds  of  those 
entrusted  with  public  legislation.  As  to  general  well-being 
and  when  your  political  activities  have  assumed  a  more 
definite  and  a  more  permanent  attitude,  perhaps  the  organ- 
ized workers  of  America  may  have  an  opportunity  to  help  in 
the  great  work  in  New  Russia  of  organizing  the  unorganized 
working  people  into  militant,  useful  trade  unions.  Those, 
with  your  soldiers,  constitute  the  common  people  and  the 
greatest  of  American  Presidents,  Abraham  Lincoln,  in  one  of 
his  most  lovable  statements,  with  reference  to  the  common- 
people  said  that  God  Almighty  must  have  loved  them 
because  He  had  made  so  many  of  them. 

We  desire  to  give  you  information  about  our  own  progress.^ 
You  may  thereby  receive  assistance  by  copying  the  methods 
which  brought  about  our  accomplishments  and  which  will 
be  of  some  service  to  you.  At  the  same  time  we  hope  to  have 
a  chance  to  indicate  to  you  some  of  the  mistakes  we  have 
made  so  that  you  may  profit  by  avoiding  them.  Through 
this  comparison  of  events  true  and  abiding  progress  will,  we 
hope,  constitute  your  new  economic,  industrial,  and  agricul- 
tural history. 

We  strongly  recommend  to  your  consideration  speedy 
legislation  in  favor  of  a  free,  compulsory  public  school  and 
general  educational  system.    This  should  include  provisions. 


ADDRESSES  OF  JAMES  DUNCAN  125 

for  keeping  boys  and  girls  at  school  until  they  are  at  least 
fourteen  years  of  age  so  that  their  bodies  and  minds  may  be 
fitted  for  active  and  useful  lives.  You  should  also  provide 
for  free  textbooks  for  your  public  schools,  containing  truth- 
ful, useful,  historical,  industrial,  and  commercial  information 
such  as  would  lay  a  mental  foundation  in  the  youthful  mind, 
thereby  guaranteeing  an  intelligent,  thrifty,  liberal-minded 
citizenship.  Such  legislation  would  supply  a  double  purpose. 
It  would  not  only  provide  the  essential  education  just 
referred  to,  but  by  keeping  boys  and  girls  at  school  until  they 
are  at  least  fourteen  years  old  and  giving  them  good  oppor- 
tunities for  healthful  exercise  in  playgrounds  in  their  spare 
moments,  they  will  grow  up  strong,  bright  and  useful 
citizens,  and  during  this  period  will  not  be  used  in  mills  and 
factories  at  low  wages,  unjustly  competing  against  adults 
for  employment.  There  is  nothing  more  deteriorating  to  the 
public  welfare  than  the  species  of  corporation  greed  which 
makes  money  out  of  the  employment  and  really  out  of  the 
lives  of  young  children.  Get  into  your  minds  and  forever 
adhere  to  the  thought  that  public  education  will  be  found  to 
be  the  greatest  asset  of  your  new  democracy.  You  will  do 
well  as  working  men  and  soldiers  to  encourage,  in  as  far  as 
you  can  do  so,  that  such  an  educational  system  as  I  have 
referred  to  will  be  one  of  the  leading  provisions  in  your  con- 
templated national  constitution,  or  bill  of  rights,  or  whatever 
the  new  magna  charta  may  be  designated. 

Enlightened  public  opinion,  the  development  of  your  vast 
national  resources,  encouragement  of  the  arts  and  sciences 
and  your  broadened  public  conscience  will  constitute  the 
greatness  of  New  Russia.  This  will  so  far  excel  the  alleged 
greatness  of  your  neighboring  countries  who  believe  and 
legislate  that  the  arbitrement  of  the  sword  should  be  con- 
sidered paramount,  that  by  comparison  your  position  will  be 
considered  true  civilization,  and  those  dark  and  reactionary 


126  MISSION  TO  RUSSIA 

forces  I  have  referred  to  will  be  considered  relics  of  barbarity. 
It  is  in  that  which  a  country  excels  that  its  true  greatness  is 
recognized,  so  in  preparing  your  constitutional  regulations 
give  free  hand  to  human  affairs.  Encourage  domestic 
virtues  and  so  go  in  evidence  that  all  the  people  in  New 
Russia  will  breathe  more  freely  and  will  know  that  the  great- 
est of  all  revolutions,  that  of  the  Russias  in  1917,  stands  out 
in  history  as  being  as  unparalleled  in  bloodlessness  as  its  new 
constitution  may  be  unprecedented  in  raising  the  human 
equation  from  semi-serfdom  and  from  race  prejudice  to  a 
position  which  will  make  the  Russia  of  the  future  loved  at 
home  and  respected  abroad. 

Permit  a  word  about  the  eight-hour  work  day.  My  own 
trade  and  in  fact  the  building  and  many  other  trades  through- 
out North  America  enjoy  the  eight-hour  work  day.  We  have 
a  half  holiday  upon  Saturdays.  This  makes  a  work  week  of 
forty-four  hours.  We  also  have  a  government  eight-hour  law 
directly  applying  to  work  for  the  government.  Foreseeing 
the  possibilities  of  emergencies,  for  sometimes  the  working- 
men  are  the  real  statesmen,  we  provided  that  the  limit  of  the 
working  day  in  the  event  of  war,  for  instance,  would  not 
arbitrarily  apply.  President  Wilson  fully  agreed  with  us  in 
this  view  and  implicitly  trusted  to  our  cooperation  in  his 
enormous  responsibility;  and,  in  accordance  with  the  con- 
stituted authority  in  the  law  the  work  day  on  war  materials 
and  on  incidental  appurtenances  has  been  extended  to  meet 
war  needs.  Also  in  accordance  with  its  provisions,  whenever 
the  emergency  is  over  the  law  automatically  resumes  its 
normal  functions.  Thus  we  had  provided  for  such  an  occa- 
sion and  thereby  did  not  have  our  eight-hour  law  revoked  nor 
was  there  need  for  abridging  its  purposes  when  the  war 
emergency  arose.  We  recommend  this  subject  to  your  care- 
ful consideration,  for  although  you  may  not  have  similar 
eight-hour  work  day  regulations  as  we  have,  and  may  not 


ADDRESSES  OF  JAMES  DUNCAN  127 

have  a  provision  for  war  or  other  emergency  similar  to  what 
I  have  just  referred  to,  the  underlying  principle  will  be  found 
to  be  of  great  assistance  to  those  of  your  people  who  in 
factories,  mines,  mills,  and  shops  are  employed  on  war 
materials  for  use  of  the  soldiers  you  represent  and  who  are  at 
the  front  in  your  country's  service,  trying  to  make  the  war 
short,  decisive  and  victorious  to  Russia  and  her  allies.  In 
this  way  the  man  behind  the  hammer  and  the  pick  can  per- 
form essential  if  not  co-equal  service  to  the  activities,  sacri- 
fices and  patriotism  of  the  man  behind  the  gun.  Both  need 
to  work  conjointly  for  the  common  good. 

Naturally  soldiers  at  the  front  cannot  be  governed  by  an 
eight-hour  work  day  provision.  War  is  not  conducted  in  that 
way.  Workers  in  mills,  factories,  and  shops  who  are  doing 
their  part  in  assisting  the  soldiers  at  the  front,  need,  however, 
to  give  the  best  possible  service  within  the  twenty-four  hours 
composing  a  day  to  be  helpful  to  the  soldiers.  In  doing  so 
there  will  even  then  be  less  hardship  to  them  than  to  the 
stout-hearted  and  brave  men  in  the  trenches,  or  who  are 
striking  terror  into  the  heart  of  the  enemy  with  large  caliber 
guns.  In  order  to  keep  the  soldiers  well  supplied  with  the 
material  they  need  in  their  arduous  and  patriotic  work,  the 
example  of  our  workers  in  America  should  be  followed  by  you. 
The  recommendation  is,  therefore,  strongly  put  up  to  this 
Council  of  Workmen  and  Soldiers,  to  use  all  your  possible 
influence  in  favor,  if  need  be,  of  the  full  twenty -four  hours  in 
each  day,  six  days  of  the  week,  being  used  in  shops,  mills,  and 
factories  to  provide  the  essential  equipment  to  properly 
support  your  soldiers  at  the  front.  Practice  and  statistics 
both  prove  beyond  doubt  that  if  workers  are  employed  more 
than  eight  hours  in  twenty-four,  they  are  not  so  efficient 
after  they  have  worked  eight  hours  as  up  to  that  time.  Con- 
sequently the  same  workers  should  not  be  expected  or 
required  to  work  more  than  eight  hours  in  any  twenty -four- 


128  MISSION  TO  RUSSIA 

hour  day,  unless  in  very  great  emergency,  but  two  shifts  of 
workers,  each  of  eight  hours,  or,  if  occasion  calls  for  it,  three 
shifts,  each  of  eight  hours,  in  the  twenty-four-hour  day 
should  not  only  be  encouraged,  but  should  be  urged  in  order 
that  your  government  may  thereby  have  evidence  that  those 
in  the  workshops  are  performing  their  full  duty  to  your 
government  and  to  your  soldiers.  It  was  to  meet  such  a 
condition  that  the  emergency  clause  was  added  to  our  eight- 
hour  law  and  it  is  not  only  working  well,  but  proved  the 
eflSciency  and  the  patriotism  of  our  workers  in  their  efforts 
to  supply  munitions  to  all  soldiers  entrusted  with  the  arduous 
duty  of  fighting  the  foes  of  freedom.  The  time  has  come 
when  autocracy  and  democracy  should  not  both  longer  exist. 
One  must  give  way  to  the  other.  We  in  America  stand  for 
democracy  and  we  appreciate  the  fact  that  New  Russia 
desires  our  cooperation.  This  new  partnership  joins  the  old 
world  to  the  new,  and  gives  notice  to  whom  it  may  concern 
that  freedom  of  action  and  liberty  of  thought  and  expression 
must  prevail. 

The  right  to  go  on  strike  against  injustice,  oppression,  long 
work  days  or  inadequate  wages,  is  one  of  the  God-given  privi- 
leges of  free  men.  No  man,  however,  whose  mind  is  on  the 
level  desires  to  go  on  strike  simply  for  bravado.  Workers  have 
their  own  welfare  to  conserve  and  the  brightness  of  the  home 
circle  to  respect,  so  they  do  not  lightly  regard  this  important 
subject.  Therefore,  while  this  God-given  privilege  should  be 
at  all  times  within  our  power,  striking  should  be  resorted  to 
only  when  more  friendly  methods  of  adjustment  of  trade  con- 
tentions have  failed.  What  I  have  said  about  the  strike, 
more  forcefully  can  also  be  applied  to  corporations  or  other 
employers  locking  out  the  workers,  for  usually  a  lock-out  is 
accompanied  with  despotic  cruelty,  sometimes  with  brutality. 
The  better  way  is  to  have  trade  agreements  between  workers 
and  their  employers.     These  should  contain  conditions  of 


ADDRESSES  OF  JAMES  DUNCAN  129 

employment  mutually  arranged  by  a  committee  representing 
the  workers  and  a  committee  representing  the  employers. 
This  is  what  we  call  collective  bargaining.  It  will  be  found 
to  be  of  great  advantage  to  have  a  provision  in  such  an  agree- 
ment for  an  effort  mutually  to  adjust  disputes.  In  such  a 
manner  workers  can  have  their  grievances  redressed  without 
causing  or  incurring  drastic  procedure. 

In  connection  with  the  whole  subject  kindly  take  a  word  of 
advice  from  the  organized  workers  of  America  and  see  to  it 
that,  in  addition  to  your  political  activities  and  the  passage 
of  humane  laws  by  your  legislative  bodies,  the  workers  in  the 
several  employments  throughout  Russia  fully  and  strongly 
organize  into  unions.  Our  experience  in  America  has  been 
that  however  beneficent  a  law  may  appear  to  be,  and  how- 
ever sympathetic  the  law-making  body  may  be,  the  politician 
or  other  official  to  whom  authority  is  given  to  administer 
the  law  may  become  careless,  sometimes  antagonistic,  and 
where  there  is  not  strong  economic  organization  to  demand 
enforcement  of  the  law,  it  is  difficult  to  get  the  labor  measure 
fairly  administered.  The  politicians  will  tell  you  that  redress 
may  be  had  through  the  courts.  Such  a  course  would  prac- 
tically make  workers  policemen,  as  it  were,  over  the  acts  of 
those  employing  them  and  would  raise  legal  animosity  which 
between  worker  and  employer  is  very  distasteful  and  unsatis- 
factory. We  find  that  when  it  is  known  by  the  government 
official  that  members  of  the  trade  union  will  go  on  strike 
rather  than  to  submit  to  infringement  of  the  law  or  to  other 
injustice,  he  is  more  respectful  of  the  provisions  of  the  law. 

In  America  until  recently,  in  the  minds  of  many  corpora- 
tion managers,  the  labor  power  of  a  human  being  was  con- 
sidered to  be  a  property  right.  After  many  years  of  legal 
wrangling  and  contention  the  Congress  of  the  United  States, 
with  the  approval  of  President  Wilson,  eventually  passed  a 
measure  for  which  organized  labor  had  contended,  which 


130  MISSION  TO  RUSSIA 

plainly  and  tersely  sets  forth  that  the  labor  power  of  a 
worker  is  not  a  commodity  or  article  of  commerce.  A  man's 
labor  power  is  part  of  his  life  just  as  is  his  eyesight  or  any  of 
the  senses.  It  comes  into  existence  when  he  is  born,  it  may 
be  affected  by  injury  to  him,  it  goes  out  of  existence  at  his 
death,  it  is  not  transferable,  it  is  a  quality  of  life  and  belongs 
to  him  to  exercise  singly  or  collectively  as  he  pleases.  His 
labor  power  is,  therefore,  his  prerogative  and  not  a  property 
right  of  his  employer.  When  this  is  clearly  understood  and 
fairly  recognized,  a  worker  is  placed  in  a  position  to  demand 
his  rights  and  to  exercise  his  functions  as  a  human  being,  the 
same  as  any  other  citizen. 

Later  on,  through  exchange  of  communications,  corre- 
spondence, trade  journal*  and  statistical  documents,  we  will 
endeavor  to  explain  to  the  workers  in  Russia  how  the  work- 
ing people  in  America  have  benefited  by  recognition  of  what 
we  term  "  trade  labels."  Our  clothing,  our  boots  and  shoes, 
the  cigars  and  tobacco  we  smoke,  the  papers  and  books  we 
read,  can  all  be  marked  by  registered  trade  labels  which  give 
guarantee  to  the  purchaser  that  the  commodity  purchased 
has  been  produced  under  union  conditions,  fair  compensation, 
decent  conditions  of  living  and  improved  sanitation  in  work- 
shops, for  these  are  qualifications  of  trade  union,  in  other 
words,  of  collective  agreements. 

We  firmly  believe  in  you  and  in  your  faith  for  the  future  of 
your  country.  We  know  that  you  will  not  only  preserve, 
but  will  improve  upon  your  strong  national  character  and 
this  will  mean  that  the  Russian  people  will  maintain  and 
utilize  the  advantages  they  have  gained  through  your  revo- 
lution. We  are  not  dismayed  by,  nor  do  we  give  much 
credence  to,  the  pessimistic  reports  we  hear  about  your 
internal  affairs.  Keep  on  doing  your  best  and  all  will  be  well. 
You  have  come  through  the  greatest  of  revolutions  better 
than  even  many  of  your  friends  expected,  and  those  who  are 


ADDRESSES  OF  JAMES  DUNCAN  131 

opposed  to  you  would  not  be  satisfied  nor  would  they  give 
you  credit  for,  nor  encouragement  in  your  endeavors,  what- 
ever you  might  accomplish.  In  short  they  would  wish  for 
your  downfall,  as  a  means  to  their  own  unworthy  purposes. 
Do  not  be  discouraged  by  their  apathy  nor  permit  them  to 
interfere  with  your  solidarity  and  progress. 

It  is  with  pleasure  I  have  this  opportunity  to  report  to  you 
the  great  enthusiasm  in  the  United  States  over  the  Russian 
Mission  which  is  now  proclaiming  the  same  sentiments  of 
friendship  and  of  good  will  there  that  the  commission  of 
which  I  am  a  member  is  conveying  to  the  people  of  Russia. 
Ambassador  Bakhmetieff  and  the  Russian  Mission  were 
given  an  audience  in  our  House  of  Representatives  at  Wash- 
ington at  which  all  the  members  of  the  House  and  Senate 
were  present.  Each  of  the  Russian  Mission  was  introduced 
to  each  of  our  Senators  and  Congressmen  after  they  had 
listened  with  great  interest  and  much  respect  to  the  address 
of  your  ambassador.  In  reply  to  that  address  the  speaker  of 
our  House  of  Representatives,  one  of  the  greatest  democrats 
of  our  time,  made  suitable  reply.  He  welcomed  the  Russian 
Revolution  and  compared  it  to  the  French  Revolution. 
Incidentally  he  reminded  his  audience  that  when  the  United 
States  became  a  democracy  there  was  but  one  other  republic 
in  the  world,  namely,  Switzerland,  and  that  Russia  was  the 
twenty-seventh  kingdom  which  had  introduced  a  republican 
form  of  government.  He  ended  his  eloquent  statement  with 
a  remark  that  in  his  opinion  the  Russian  Revolution  is  the 
greatest  political  event  known  in  history. 

Bear  in  mind  that  new  power  brings  new  responsibilities. 
The  greatest  of  vices  is  tyranny.  Neither  practice  it  your- 
self nor  permit  it  to  be  practiced  upon  you.  Russia  has  had 
more  than  her  share  of  it.  Toleration  of  your  neighbor's 
views  is  a  great  virtue.  Russia  in  this  critical  moment 
should  cultivate  it.    Being  trusted  with  the  science  of  popu- 


132  MISSION  TO  RUSSIA 

lar  government  and  conscious  that  laws  must  be  respected, 
amending  or  repealing  them  as  necessity  requires,  assistance 
and  loyal  support  should  be  given  to  your  public  officials  in 
the  fulfillment  of  the  new  duties  assigned  to  them.  Such 
support  will  do  more  to  establish  respect  for  and  confidence 
in  your  young  democracy  than  any  other  single  thing.  Again 
pledging  to  you  the  greatest  possible  assistance  of  the 
organized  workers  and  of  all  the  people  of  America  in  your 
economic  and  political  development  and  expressing  the  hope 
that  when  we  here  assembled  shall  have  passed  from  this 
life  to  that  which  is  beyond  we  may  feel  that  we  have  helped 
to  make  the  world  better  than  when  we  came  into  it,  and  so 
that  our  children  will  bless  us  for  the  heritage,  I  wish  you 
Godspeed. 


ADDRESS  OF  JAMES  DUNCAN 

AT  A  RECEPTION  BY  THE  UNION  LEAGUE  CLUB  OF  NEW  YORK 
CITY,  AUGUST  15,  1917 

IT  is  a  great  honor  indeed  to  a  representative  of  working- 
men  to  have  an  opportunity  to  stand  here  for  a  few 
moments  and  compare  notes  with  you  upon  the  subject  per- 
haps dearest  to  my  heart,  the  welfare  of  the  workingmen  the 
world  over. 

After  the  most  excellent  and  very  eloquent  address  you 
have  just  heard,  and  which  has  been  the  third  eloquent 
address  that  our  ambassador  extraordinary  has  delivered 
today,  I  will  not  think  of  touching  upon  the  general  subject 
which  took  this  Mission  to  Russia.  I  will  content  myself, 
therefore,  with  saying,  as  your  excellent  chairman  has  said, 
"  a  few  words,"  and  will  confine  them  more  or  less  to  the 
working  people  of  Russia  and  their  relationship  to  the  work- 
ing people  of  this  country  and,  vice  versa,  our  working  people 
to  them. 

Incidentally,  and  for  fear  I  might  forget  this  point  when 
my  mind  is  dwelling  upon  the  situation  as  we  found  it  in 
Russia,  I  desire  to  say  to  you  that  I  think  there  are  few  men 
in  these  United  States  of  America  who  know  the  character 
and  the  temperament  of  the  working  people  of  America 
better  than  I  do.  I  was  an  humble  working  boy  in  New 
York  City  so  long  ago  that  I  will  not  mention  it,  because  it 
would  give  away  my  age,  and  I  have  grown  up  among  them 
as  a  member  of  my  own  trade  union,  mingling  with  others, 
and  if  I  did  not  know  something  of  them  I  would  know  little 
indeed.    I  am  assured,  as  we  are  met  here  tonight,  that  the 


134  MISSION  TO  RUSSIA 

working  people  of  the  United  States  of  America,  and  especi- 
ally the  organized  workmen  from  whom  I  hold  a  credential, 
are  as  solidly  back  of  our  great  President  and  the  great 
policies  at  the  present  time  as  any  class  of  citizens  in  the 
United  States. 

The  workingman  who  falters  at  a  time  like  this  is  un- 
worthy of  the  name  of  citizen.  We  are  a  great  cosmopolitan 
population  and  among  the  people  generally  there  may  be 
found  one  or  two  or  three  or  a  number  here  and  there  who 
have  slid  from  grace  just  the  same  as  we  find  throughout  the 
United  States  certain  kinds  of  crime  committed  by  certain 
kinds  of  citizens,  and  no  one  would  be  foolish  enough  to 
judge  our  great  nation  and  our  great  civilization  by  those 
men  guilty  of  crime.  Our  labor  organizations  and  the  work- 
ing people,  wherever  they  have  had  a  chance  to  express 
themselves,  have  sent  word  to  President  Wilson  that  they 
are  with  him  and  back  of  him  and  will  support  him  to  the 
limit  in  these  contentions,  and  why  shouldn't  they  ?  If 
anything  were  to  happen  to  the  public  institutions  of  our 
country,  would  they  not  be  the  people  who  would  suffer  the 
most  ?  Those  who  are  better  off  in  the  way  of  wealth,  under 
oppression  could  get  along  better  than  the  common  people 
without  wealth,  who  would  suffer  because  of  the  loss  of  our 
great  institutions,  and  those  people  know  what  freedom  and 
liberty  means  to  them,  and  are  willing  to  and  will  be  found 
fighting  for  them. 

In  so  far  as  the  Russian  working  people  are  concerned,  you 
heard  our  great  chairman  say  that  Russia  was  practically  a 
country  without  policemen.  Friends,  we  were  approxi- 
mately one  month  in  Petrograd  and  several  days  in  Moscow, 
the  two  greatest  cities  in  Russia,  both  of  them  having  con- 
siderably over  two  million  inhabitants,  and  in  Petrograd, 
in  addition  to  that,  one  hundred  and  fifty  thousand  soldiers 
in  the  locality,  and  we  saw  no  evidence  of  drunkenness,  we 


ADDRESSES  OF  JAMES  DUNCAN  135 

did  not  even  see  a  fist  fight,  and  the  dear,  good  women  of 
Russia  in  Petrograd  can  go  on  the  streets  equally  as  safely 
as  our  dear,  good  women  here  in  New  York  walk  upon  Fifth 
Avenue.     People  who,  under  such  circumstances,  can  hold 
such  great  restraint,  can  be  trusted  to  build  up  an  everlasting 
democracy.    Perhaps  it  will  be  interesting  to  you  to  know 
why  in  those  large  cities  there  are  no  police,  and  as  the  situa- 
tion is  so  closely  intermingled  with  the  activities  of  the  work- 
ing people  there,  I  am  going  to  tell  it  to  you.    Immediately 
the  police  in  Petrograd  saw  that  the  revolution  was  about  to 
be  a  success,  and  fearful  lest  some  of  their  documents  would 
be  incriminating  against  them,  they  got  tortious,  and  set 
the  Palace  of  Justice  in  flames,  not  so  much  to  wreck  the 
building,  as  in  order  to  burn  the  documents  which  might 
contain  evidence  of  their  own  injustice.    When  the  working- 
men  and  soldiers  saw  what  they  had  done,  they  also  got 
tortious,  and  went  into  the  police  headquarters  and  set  the 
police  headquarters  on  fire.    Some  of  them  told  me  that  they 
borrowed  a  phrase  from  the  United  States,  namely,  they 
**  smoked  them  out,"  for  be  it  known  to  you,  when  the  aver- 
age Russian  hears  of  anything  clever  being  done  in  any  part 
of  the  face  of  the  earth,  and  if  it  is  not  done  in  America,  those 
who  hear  the  man  telling  of  it  immediately  say  to  him  "  like 
what  they  do  in  America  " ;  if  it  is  done  in  America,  then  they 
say,  "  just  like  America,  always  ahead."     The  reverence 
they  have  for  our  country  is  most  remarkable.    The  police 
were  smoked  out.     When  they  got  on  the  sidewalk  they 
threw  their  hands  up  in  good  old-fashioned  manner  and 
begged  that  the  workingmen  and  soldiers  making  the  revo- 
lution would  not  kill  them,  and  those  good,  noble-hearted 
workingmen  and  soldiers  said  to  them,  "  If  you  will  go  to  the 
front  and  fight,  your  lives  will  not  be  endangered  by  us  "; 
and  because  of  the  crimes  they  had  previously  committed, 
the  policemen  would  rather  choose  to  take  chances  with  the 


136  MISSION  TO  RUSSIA 

tender  mercies  of  the  Germans  than  to  put  themselves  in  the 
hands  of  the  people  they  had  oppressed. 

Now  as  to  the  need  for  policemen.  It  is  true  that  instead 
of  policemen  there  was  an  occasional  militiaman  upon  the 
street.  He  was  distinguished  from  an  ordinary  soldier  by  a 
white  band  around  his  arm;  but  all  the  activity  that  the 
militiaman  had  to  do  along  the  lines  of  police  duty  was  to 
act  as  what  you  would  call  the  traffic  squad,  prevent  cars 
and  vehicles  from  running  over  women  and  children  and 
other  people  at  crossings.  There  was  little  for  them  to  do 
as  policemen  elsewhere.  Prior  to  the  revolution  about  the 
only  thing  that  the  policemen  had  to  do  in  the  way  of  club- 
bing the  poor  people  was  for  violation  of  the  Czar's  rules; 
the  Czar  having  gone,  his  rules  went  with  him;  therefore 
those  rules  were  not  in  danger  of  being  violated,  and  enough 
time  had  not  passed,  if  you  please,  for  them  to  cultivate  a 
new  system  of  crime  for  which  they  should  be  clubbed,  and 
they  were  going  about  the  streets  in  perfect  harmony. 

In  1905  the  Czar  ordered  the  Duma  to  cease  its  existence. 
He  also  had  regulations  whereby  secret  societies  could  not 
exist  in  Russia,  and  trade  unions  were  classed  among  secret 
societies.  Therefore  if  the  workmen  formed  themselves  into 
unions,  they  had  to  be  called  by  some  other  name  or  they 
had  to  meet  so  secretly  that  even  the  alert  policemen  of  the 
Czar  could  not  find  them. 

The  workmen  in  the  great  industrial  centers  are  fairly 
well  educated.  It  is  the  workmen  in  the  rural  districts,  and 
the  peasants,  who  are  illiterate  and  who  make  up  about  80 
to  90  per  cent  of  the  population  of  Russia,  including  Siberia. 
Following  the  disbanding  of  the  1905  Duma  —  and  I  want 
to  explain  in  a  few  words  and  not  to  give  an  historical 
account,  it  is  connected  with  the  working  people  as  I  have 
said  —  following  the  dissolution  of  the  1905  Duma,  the  work- 
ing people  in  the  industrial  centers,  who  could  read  and 


ADDRESSES  OF  JAMES  DUNCAN  137 

write,  saw  that  if  ever  there  were  a  possibihty  of  overthrow- 
ing the  Czar  and  absolutism  in  Russia,  it  must  be  by  a  line-up 
between  the  workingmen  and  the  soldiers.  The  armies,  so 
far  had  stood  by  the  Czar;  the  officers  of  the  army  were  the 
upper  classes,  and  the  common  soldier  came  from  the  dis- 
tricts of  the  illiterate  to  which  I  have  referred.  The  working- 
men  pursued  a  course  whereby,  through  pamphlets  and 
papers,  they  got  information  here  and  there  to  the  younger 
peasants,  and  although  so  very  illiterate,  occasionally  one 
was  found  to  be  able  to  read,  and  it  was  the  easiest  thing 
to  get  an  audience;  by  forties,  fifties  and  hundreds  the  illit- 
erate gathered  around  the  man  who  could  read,  to  hear  what 
was  being  said,  and  they  had  instructions  that  whatever 
else  they  did,  they  should  read  the  subject  of  those  pamphlets 
to  the  young  men  not  yet  old  enough  to  enter  the  army. 
It  began  to  have  its  effect.  Those  workingmen's  organiza- 
tions could  not  get  this  literature  to  those  men  after  they 
were  in  the  army,  the  Czar  and  his  friends  saw  to  that; 
consequently  the  work  had  to  be  done  before  the  young  men 
entered  the  army. 

Such  of  you  as  have  studied  the  subject  of  illiteracy  will 
have  in  mind  that  apparently  God  and  Nature  have  done 
something  for  the  illiterate  which  they  may  not  have  done 
to  the  educated,  because  when  an  illiterate  man  or  woman 
hears  something  which  strongly  appeals  to  them  they  remem- 
ber it  much  better  than  do  the  literate,  because  the  educated 
man  can  refer  back  to  his  notes  at  any  time  and  he  does  not 
charge  his  memory  with  it  as  does  the  illiterate  man  who  has 
no  hope  of  ever  hearing  it  again,  and  therefore  stores  it 
away. 

By  that  course  those  subtle  workingmen  started  the 
revolution  soon  after  the  fall  of  the  Duma  in  1905.  They 
told  the  young  soldiers  that  one  of  these  days  the  working- 
man  and  the  soldier  would  have  to  get  together  and  instead 


138  MISSION  TO  RUSSIA 

of  dissolving  Dumas,  dissolve  the  Czar!  They  kept  it  up  all 
of  these  years,  those  who  were  most  forceful  among  them, 
putting  in  some  of  the  time  in  Siberian  prisons.  There  are 
five  members  of  the  Provisional  Government  of  Russia  at 
the  present  time,  who  have  put  in  the  most  of  the  last  twelve 
years  in  Siberian  prisons,  and  some  of  them  were  let  out  from 
Siberian  prisons  since  the  revolution,  and  are  now  sitting  in 
the  cabinet  of  that  nation. 

Tseratelli,  whom  we  would  call  here  the  Postmaster 
General,  the  Minister  of  Posts  and  Post  Roads,  put  in  ten  out 
of  twelve  years  in  Siberia.  The  Minister  of  Labor,  Sokoloff, 
the  same  thing.  Immediately  they  got  out  of  prison,  they 
delivered  another  revolutionary  address,  knowing  that  that 
was  the  only  thing  they  could  do  to  re-echo  their  feelings, 
and  immediately  that  address  was  delivered  they  were  given 
two  more  years  either  in  the  same  cell  or  in  a  worse  one  for 
having  done  it. 

That  is  the  kind  of  warfare  those  workingmen  have  been 
doing  for  these  last  twelve  years,  and  so  suddenly  did  the 
revolution  this  year  come  upon  them,  that  sitting  at  lunch- 
eon with  the  American  ambassador,  with  three  members 
of  the  cabinet,  they  told  us  that  last  January  they  had  not 
the  faintest  idea  that  the  revolution  would  occur  this  year. 
Because  of  not  expecting  it  to  come  so  soon,  they  had  not 
men  properly  trained  to  take  the  places  of  the  men  who  had 
been  in  office.  There  were  men  plentiful  in  the  ranks  with 
brains  enough  to  do  it,  but  they  had  not  had  an  opportunity 
to  learn  how,  nor  to  put  their  activities  in  that  direction. 
Those  with  ability  have  been  putting  in  time  in  Siberia  just 
for  fear  that  they  might  be  drafted  for  the  very  thing  that 
in  time  did  happen. 

The  spark  that  touched  this  off  was  an  act  of  the  Czar. 
He  ordered  the  Duma  in  the  early  months  of  this  year  to 
dissolve.     In  the  meantime,  the  workingmen,  through  the 


ADDRESSES  OF  JAMES  DUNCAN  139 

representative  organizations,  under  surreptitious  names, 
had  a  general  understanding.  Many  of  their  officers  were 
with  them  but  did  not  care  publicly  to  say  so.  Many  were 
opposed  to  them,  and  treated  them  with  the  greatest  possible 
cruelty  imaginable. 

The  Czar  declared  that  the  Duma  should  be  dissolved. 
The  Duma  sent  word  to  the  Czar  that  they  were  not  going  to 
dissolve.  Without  waiting  for  further  activities  of  that  kind, 
and  for  fear  the  Czar  might  win  or  the  Duma  might  weaken, 
the  workmen  and  soldiers  declared  for  the  revolution  and 
in  three  or  four  days  the  Czar  became  Nicholas  Romanoff, 
citizen  of  Russia,  and  somewhat  "  undesirable  "  at  that. 

You  know  that  the  parallel  is  not  exactly  correct,  but  you 
will  have  seen  in  certificates  which  doctors  give  when  some 
good  soul  has  gone  to  Heaven,  that  the  general  cause  of 
death  was  so  and  so,  the  immediate  cause  of  death  was  so 
and  so.  The  general  cause  of  the  revolution  was  the  activi- 
ties of  the  workingmen  and  soldiers  that  I  have  referred  to, 
and  the  specific  thing  which  brought  it  about  was  the  refusal 
of  the  Duma  to  dissolve,  and  the  revolution  was  on.  Not 
too  much  credit  can  be  given  to  those  astute  workingmen's 
organizations  throughout  Russia  for  the  magnificent  cam- 
paign of  education  they  entered  into  with  such  poor  material 
with  which  at  least  to  start  it. 

It  was  a  great  pride  to  me  to  be  selected  by  the  President 
of  our  country  to  represent  the  working  people,  to  go  with 
such  illustrious  colleagues  to  Russia  to  try  to  perform  my 
part  in  this  great  work.  I  endeavored  to  do  the  best  that 
was  in  me,  not  lecturing  them,  but  talking  to  them,  telling 
them  of  what  we  had  accomplished  in  those  141  years  in 
America  under  freedom,  saying  to  them  if  there  was  any- 
thing in  the  course  we  had  followed  of  advantage  to  them,  to 
make  use  of  it,  also  telling  them  of  some  of  our  shortcomings 
so  that  they  might  try  and  avoid  them.     Fortunately  our 


140  MISSION  TO  RUSSIA 

Mission  was  looked  upon  differently  by  the  people  in  Russia 
than  any  other  visitor  or  visitors  from  other  countries  before 
us.  In  the  first  place,  our  country  through  the  President  and 
Ambassador  Francis  were  the  first  agencies  and  the  first 
government  to  recognize  the  revolution,  and  when  the  revo- 
lutionists knew  that  the  United  States  of  America  had 
directed  the  ambassador  to  recognize  them,  they  felt  exactly 
what  happened,  that  the  other  great  governments  of  the 
world  would  try  to  outdo  each  other  to  be  the  second  or 
third  to  recognize  them,  and  therefore  the  revolution  was 
secured  internationally  equally  with  the  probability  of  its 
perpetuity  in  their  own  country.  Happily,  with  the  good 
opinion  they  already  had  of  America,  we  tried  to  convey  to 
them  the  hope  and  aspirations  of  the  American  people  for 
their  democracy,  praised  them  for  having  begun  it,  told  them 
that  with  such  characters  as  they  had  and  with  such  great 
possibilities  in  men,  minerals  and  land,  there  was  no  reason 
why  they  should  not  make  one  of  the  greatest  democracies 
the  world  has  ever  seen.  Then  after  we  got  them  inter- 
ested in  that  line  of  presenting  our  case,  and  knowing  that 
we  came  with  a  word  of  advice  and  assistance,  rather  than 
to  enlighten  them,  they  sat  peacefully  and  in  the  end  loudly 
cheered  the  remarks  which  we  had  to  make  when  in  such 
eloquent  terms  as  the  Senator  has  given  to  you  tonight,  it 
was  suggested  to  them  that  the  soldiers  of  all  the  Allies 
should  fight  together  for  international  democracy. 

The  working  people  of  Russia  are  back  of  their  govern- 
ment even  in  its  provisional  form  with  a  majority  of  the 
cabinet  holding  over  from  the  old  Duma.  As  soon  as  they 
have  their  constitutional  convention,  the  working  people 
will  be  found  rallying  strongly  to  the  support  of  that  con- 
stitution. Kindly  do  not  judge  the  Russian  workingman  by 
the  fault-finder.  He  is  not  in  the  majority.  They  have  in  the 
present  council  of  workingmen  and  soldiers,  which  perhaps 


ADDRESSES  OF  JAMES  DUNCAN  141 

is  the  only  body  carrying  a  mandate  at  the  present  time 
from  the  Russian  people,  because  they  have  been  elected  by 
popular  vote  to  that  council  —  they  have  about  eight  hun- 
dred members  and  when  a  test  vote  came  in  that  body  as  to 
the  support  of  actions  of  the  Provisional  Government,  the 
vote  stood  a  little  over  six  hundred  in  favor  to  about  one 
hundred  and  fifty  against.  One  hundred  and  fifty  against, 
of  course,  can  make  a  great  noise,  and  somehow  I  have  never 
been  able  to  find  out  how  it  is  that  the  press  of  any  country, 
and  ours  is  no  exception  —  if  there  are  two  or  three  in  a  meet- 
ing not  in  accord  with  the  general  concept,  and  they  express 
themselves,  there  is  usually  fully  as  much  attention  given 
to  the  very  small  minority  as  to  the  excellent  proposition 
which  the  great  majority  had  stood  for.  And  that  is  why 
you  have  heard  so  much  about  the  working  people  not  being 
loyal  to  the  country,  and  the  soldiers  and  sailors  not  being 
loyal  to  their  officers.  There  are  many  things  in  common 
between  the  Russian  people  and  our  own  people.  The  work- 
ing people  of  Russia  say  that  they  want  our  statistics.  They 
want  reports  from  our  Secretary  of  Labor  at  Washington, 
and  they  want  to  know  about  the  actions  of  our  several 
legislatures  upon  workmen's  compensation,  the  adjustment 
of  disputes  in  so  far  as  boards  of  arbitration  can  do  so.  You 
can  see  their  minds  are  running  in  the  right  direction,  and  I 
pledged  them  that  so  far  as  I  was  concerned,  all  the  docu- 
ments we  could  send  would  be  sent  either  from  the  Depart- 
ment of  Labor  at  Washington  or  from  the  several  states 
having  laws  of  that  kind,  and  documents  showing  how  they 
are  operated  will  be  sent  to  them  along  with  the  trade  jour- 
nals of  our  great  labor  unions  and  their  statistics  showing 
their  niethods  of  transacting  business,  and  their  loyalty  to 
their  government. 

Gentlemen,  I  thank  you  very  kindly  for  your  indulgent 
attention. 


ADDRESS  OF  CHARLES  EDWARD  RUSSELL 

BEFORE  THE  COUNCIL  OF  WORKMEN'S,  SOLDIERS',  AND 
PEASANTS'  DELEGATES,  JUNE  12,  1917 

I  AM  truly  grateful  for  this  proud  privilege  of  standing 
before  the  proletariat  of  Russia,  free  and  arisen  in  its 
might.  I  have  good  reason  to  be  proud.  I  hold  in  one 
hand  the  red  card  of  the  Socialist  Party  of  the  United  States 
and  in  the  other  the  card  of  the  printers'  trade  union,  the 
International  Typographical  Union,  of  which  I  am  a  member. 
I  come  therefore  from  the  plain  people  of  America,  from  the 
workers,  the  radicals,  the  American  socialists,  the  champions 
of  democracy.  I  come  from  them  to  greet  the  freemen  and 
freewomen  of  Russia,  not  merely  with  words  of  affectionate 
greeting  and  warmest  admiration  but  with  the  feelings  that 
are  beyond  all  words  and  need  no  words.  What  I  say  to  you 
with  my  lips,  indeed,  is  strange  to  you  as  we  have  different 
mother  tongues,  but  the  hearts  of  all  men  that  love  liberty 
speak  one  common  language,  and  straight  from  the  heart 
of  democratic  America  I  speak  to  the  great,  pulsing  heart  of 
democratic  Russia. 

I  have  come  to  try  to  tell  how  profoundly  we  thank  you 
for  your  magnificent  services  to  the  democratic  cause.  You 
yourselves  can  hardly  know  what  you  have  meant  to  the  rest 
of  the  world.  For  freedom  and  the  emancipation  of  man  the 
Russian  revolution  was  the  grandest  event  in  human  history. 
The  news  of  it  ran  about  the  globe  like  the  light  of  a  great 
new  fire.  It  was  as  if  in  the  darkest  night  a  new  planet  had 
suddenl;^  arisen  greater  than  the  sun.  In  every  country  all 
men  that  love  liberty  and  serve  her  took  on  new  life,  new 
faith,  and  new  hope  from  your  achievement.    There  is  not  a 


144  MISSION  TO  RUSSIA 

toiler  in  any  land  whose  burden  is  not  the  lighter  and  whose 
heart  is  not  the  happier  as  he  thinks  of  you  and  your  work. 
In  my  country  it  was  as  if  a  wonderful  electrical  current  or 
spirit  had  gone  over  us  to  nerve  us  to  new  duty,  new  devotion 
and  new  sacrifice  for  the  cause  we  love.  In  your  triumph  we 
saw  the  hope  of  the  freedom  of  the  world,  and  for  that  great, 
splendid  inspiration,  also,  we  thank  you. 

I  have  still  another  mission  to  perform  before  you,  for 
I  come  from  the  most  peace-loving  part  of  the  least  warlike 
population  on  earth  to  call  you  brothers  in  arms.  For  many 
years  now  the  United  States  of  America  has  been  not  only 
devoted  to  peace  and  pursuing  it,  but  has  honestly  and 
trustingly  believed  in  it.  We  had  steadfastly  refused  to 
follow  the  other  nations  in  their  preparations  for  war  because 
we  would  not  believe  that  any  occasion  could  arise  that 
could  break  our  friendly  relations  with  other  peoples.  Judged 
by  the  standards  of  the  rest  of  the  world,  we  had  no  army, 
we  had  next  to  no  navy,  we  had  no  ammunition,  we  had  no 
war-making  machinery.  Two  years  ago  one  German  army 
carried  with  it  into  Serbia  seven  times  as  much  artillery  as 
there  was  in  the  entire  United  States,  with  its  one  hundred 
and  ten  millions  of  population.  We  showed  to  the  world  and 
were  proud  of  it,  a  spectacle  unequaled  in  history,  a  frontier 
line  four  thousand  miles  long  without  a  soldier,  without  a 
fort,  and  without  a  gun.  We  showed  to  it  the  only  national 
capital  where  a  soldier's  uniform  was  so  rare  it  was  an  object 
of  curiosity,  and  where  not  one  public  building  was  ever 
guarded  by  a  single  bayonet.    We  loved  peace,  we  hated  war. 

Of  all  the  Americans  that  hated  war,  the  Americans  I  repre- 
sent here  hated  it  most.  We  hated  it  and  year  after  year  we 
denounced  it.  Today  this  peace-loving  American  nation  is 
plunged  with  all  its  might  and  resources  into  deadLest  war. 
Today  it  is  straining  every  nerve  to  achieve  the  utmost 
skill  and  efficiency  in  this  warfare  it  used  to  hate.     Today 


ADDRESSES  OF  CHARLES  E.  RUSSELL         145 

the  nation  that  had  no  army  is  busily  raising  and  equipping 
an  army  of  millions.  Today  the  American  radicals,  workers, 
and  democrats  have  united  fervently  to  support  and  uphold 
this  dreadful  thing  they  had  always  abhorred. 

Wonderful  and  amazing  change!  What  has  brought  it 
about  .'* 

This  has  brought  it  about;  that  we  found  after  two  years 
and  a  half  of  patient  sufferance  that  except  by  warfare  there 
was  absolutely  no  other  way  to  preserve  liberty,  and  we  put 
liberty  above  life.  By  every  conceivable  means  we  strove  to 
escape  this  conclusion. 

So  long  as  it  was  humanly  possible  we  clung  to  the  illusion 
that  in  a  struggle  to  the  death  between  the  colossal  opposing 
forces  of  autocracy  and  democracy  there  could  be  some  other 
solution  than  the  use  of  physical  force.  While  we  still  held 
to  this  hope  we  endured  what  no  other  strong  nation  in  this 
world  has  ever  dreamed  of  enduring.  Smitten  on  one  cheek 
we  continually  turned  the  other.  It  was  not  until  we  per- 
ceived that  autocracy  was  bent  upon  the  destruction  of 
liberty  on  earth  and  that  nothing  would  stay  it  except  the 
physical  force  it  used  only  too  successfully  that  we  took  up 
the  sword,  rather  than  see  liberty  crushed  before  our  eyes  and 
democracy  in  chains.  Our  liberty  and  yours,  our  democracy 
and  yours,  the  light  we  have  tried  to  bear  and  the  splendid 
new  hope  with  which  you  have  brightened  —  all  these  were 
in  imminent  deadly  peril  of  extinction. 

We  saw  then  that  either  we  must  fight  or  we  must  lose  the 
things  that  are  dearer  than  life  and  that  alone  make  life 
worth  while.  If  we  had  held  our  hands  in  such  a  cause  we 
should  have  been  cowards  and  poltroons,  unworthy  of  our 
heritage  of  freedom.  Every  right  that  we  enjoy  has  been 
won  for  us  by  the  infinite  toil  and  infinite  sacrifice  of  those 
who  have  gone  before  us.  Every  free  word  uttered  by  free 
men  in  a  free  assembly  has  been  purchased  by  the  blood  of 


146  MISSION  TO  RUSSIA 

some  hero  in  the  long  struggle.  Age  after  age  men  have  laid 
their  lives  unfalteringly  upon  this  altar  that  we  might  be 
free.  To  accept  and  enjoy  what  they  won  for  us  with  their 
blood  and  tears  and  yet  refuse  to  raise  a  hand  that  these  hard- 
won  liberties  might  live  upon  this  earth  and  not  perish, 
would  mean  that  we  had  become  the  lowest  creatures  that 
crawl  upon  this  earth. 

Thus  we,  loving  peace  and  professing  brotherhood,  were 
driven  into  war.  Have  we,  then,  abandoned  our  old  faiths 
or  lost  our  old  hopes  ?  Not  one;  not  one.  We  make  war 
that  we  may  have  peace.  We  strike  not  in  spite  of  our 
ideals  but  because  of  them  and  for  them.  We  do  not  despair 
of  the  cooperative  commonwealth;  on  the  contrary  we  begin 
now  to  see  it  as  a  reality  and  not  as  a  dream.  We  know  that 
democracy  is  all  in  all.  We  know  that  without  democracy 
there  can  never  come  socialism,  never  come  peace,  never  come 
the  emancipation  of  man.  We  see  that  without  democracy 
we  can  never  right  the  ancient  wrongs  of  labor,  never  gain 
for  the  producer  the  just  fruits  of  his  toil,  never  free  men's 
hearts  and  lives  from  the  frightful  blight  and  cold  horrors  of 
the  competitive  system.  We  see  the  old  beast  of  autocracy 
rearing  itself  in  its  last  eflPort  to  drag  freedom  back  into  the 
abyss  of  slavery.  We  know  that  if  it  succeeds  all  that  has 
been  slowly  won  for  us  in  the  centuries  past  and  all  we  hope 
for  in  the  centuries  to  come  are  blasted  forever  and  in  the 
name  of  the  social  revolution  for  which  we  are  enlisted  we 
drive  against  the  monster  the  sword  of  freedom. 

We  battle  side  by  side  with  you  to  preserve  for  all  of  us  the 
priceless  boon  you  have  won.  We  fight  that  such  sacrifices 
and  such  labors  as  yours  shall  not  be  lost,  that  your  dead 
shall  not  have  died  in  vain,  that  all  other  men  may  have  a 
chance  to  be  as  free  as  you  are,  that  the  torch  you  have 
lighted  shall  not  fall  back  in  night  but  shine  before  a  world 
still  in  bondage.     And  our  word  to  you  is,  Lead  on.     You 


ADDRESSES  OF  CHARLES  E.  RUSSELL         147 

know  the  road.  Where  the  great  Russian  democracy  goes 
we  are  proud  and  glad  to  go  with  you.  Lead  on,  and  Russia 
and  America,  bound  by  the  ties  of  the  same  great  purpose 
will  drive  the  last  oppression  from  its  seat  and  beat  the  last 
shackle  that  binds  the  limbs  or  the  minds  of  men  into 
emblems  of  liberty,  progress,  and  light. 


ADDRESS  OF  CHARLES  EDWARD  RUSSELL 

AT  THE  DEMONSTRATION  IN  BEHALF  OF  THE  SOLDIERS 
AT  PAVLOSK-VOKSAL,  JUNE  30,  1917 

I  HAVE  come  twenty  thousand  versts  to  bring  to  the 
revolutionists  of  Russia  greetings  and  an  expression  of 
profound  gratitude  and  good  will  from  the  socialists  and 
advanced  democrats  of  America.  When  I  look  over  this 
audience  and  look  into  your  faces  I  understand  that  if  I  saw 
nothing  in  Russia  but  just  this  meeting,  my  long  journey 
would  have  been  justified.  It  is  a  great  thing  to  look  upon 
men  that  know  what  is  at  stake  in  this  war  and  are  not  afraid 
to  die  for  the  faith  that  makes  us  free.  You,  at  least,  have  not 
been  deceived.  You  see  clearly  the  terrific  issues  of  the  con- 
flict. You  know  that  as  this  war  shall  result  so  all  the  world 
shall  be  for  centuries  to  come  either  slave  or  free,  either  auto- 
cratic or  democratic.  You  feel  that  a  world  dominated  by 
the  iron  fist  of  militarism  would  not  be  fit  to  live  in.  You  feel 
with  us  that  no  sacrifice  is  too  great  to  avert  from  our  chil- 
dren and  their  children  a  calamity  so  vast  and  so  eloquent  of 
despair  to  all  mankind.  The  success  of  Germany  in  this  war 
would  mean  that  all  the  world  would  become  an  armed  camp. 
All  the  thoughts  of  men  would  be  centered  upon  war.  All  the 
ingenuity  of  men  would  be  directed  to  inventing  new  instru- 
ments of  war.  All  the  energies  of  men  would  be  expended 
upon  conquest  or  defense.  In  such  a  state  of  society  every- 
thing that  we  care  about,  as  radicals  and  reformers,  would 
fall  into  a  common  abyss  of  ruin.  Not  one  hope  would  be 
left  for  any  plan  of  human  betterment,  social  improvement  or 
the  education  that  exalts  the  soul  as  much  as  it  informs  the 
mind.     Man  would  revert  everywhere  to  the  condition  of 

148 


ADDRESSES  OF  CHARLES  E.  RUSSELL         149 

the  primitive  savage,  whose  faith  would  be  destruction,  whose 
art  would  be  murder  and  whose  civilization  would  be  that  of 
the  jungle. 

That  we  of  America  are  now  enlisted  in  the  great  struggle 
against  the  disaster  that  threatens  the  world  we  owe  very 
largely  to  you  of  Russia.  It  was  your  great  revolution  that 
had  the  most  powerful  effect  in  bringing  us  to  a  sense  of  our 
duty.  For  two  years  and  eight  months  we  stood  aloof  from 
the  conflict.  Men  said  that  we  were  afraid  to  fight,  that  we 
had  been  terrorized  by  German  power  and  efficiency.  When 
we  endured  more  than  any  other  strong  power  had  ever 
endured  and  still  withheld  our  hand,  men  said  that  we  were 
bribed  into  silence  by  the  huge  profits  we  gathered  as  a 
neutral. 

None  of  these  charges  had  any  truth.  But  so  long  as 
Russia  was  an  autocracy  we  could  see  no  essential  difference 
between  the  two  sides.  We  could  not  see  any  particular 
choice  between  the  autocracy  of  Russia  and  the  autocracy 
of  Germany.  It  looked  to  us  like  a  struggle  between  autoc- 
racies in  which  we  had  no  basic  concern.  We  could  see  no 
principle  at  stake  that  involved  the  fundamental  faith  to 
which  we  are  pledged.  But  the  moment  there  came  the  won- 
derful news  of  your  magnificent  revolt  all  this  began  to 
change.  We  saw  then  that  the  conflict  was  between  the  fun- 
damental principles  of  autocracy  and  democracy.  We  saw 
that  if  Germany  should  win,  this  freedom  of  yours  that  had 
thrilled  us  and  fired  us  with  the  greatest  hope  and  joy  we  had 
ever  known,  would  be  instantly  destroyed.  We  saw  in  the  tri- 
umph of  Germany  the  return  of  the  Romanoffs  and  the  pall 
of  darkness  that  you  so  bravely  had  thrown  off.  We  knew 
that  the  fate  of  freedom  in  Russia  depended  upon  the  defeat 
of  imperialism  in  Germany  and  in  such  an  issue  no  people 
with  the  creed  of  liberty  in  their  hearts  could  hesitate. 


ADDRESS  OF  CHARLES  EDWARD  RUSSELL 

AT  A  RECEPTION  BY  THE  UNION  LEAGUE  CLUB  OF  NEW  YORK 
CITY,  AUGUST  15,  1917 

NOTHING  would  seem  to  be  more  superfluous  than  to 
come  before  the  Union  League  Club  with  an  appeal  to 
patriotism.  Looking  back  over  your  long  and  magnificent 
record  of  devotion  to  your  country,  no  man  can  think  of  any 
words  that  could  carry  to  you  a  message  greater,  more  pro- 
found or  more  feeling  than  you  already  have  in  your  hearts. 
But,  having  you  here  now  before  me,  I  am  going  to  take 
advantage  of  this  opportunity  that  you  have  been  good 
enough  to  give  me,  not  to  appeal  to  patriotism,  but  to  offer 
to  you  as  a  humble  citizen,  a  word  of  heartfelt  thanks  for  the 
magnificent  example  of  unselfish  devotion  that  you  have 
given  to  the  country  in  this  emergency. 

Do  you  think  of  it  ?  You  have  set  the  stamp  of  falsehood 
upon  that  libel  that  the  American  is  only  a  dollar  hunter. 
You  have  shown  that  when  the  nation  is  in  danger,  nothing 
is  of  any  importance  to  you  except  her  safety.  You  have 
proved  to  the  world  that  we  are  not  only  the  greatest  busi- 
ness nation  in  the  world,  but  that  we  are  also  the  greatest 
idealistic  nation,  that  this  dollar  hunt  is  only  a  surface 
matter,  but  that  in  our  hearts,  we  carry  all  the  time  love  of 
the  Republic,  willingness  to  serve  her,  and  if  necessary 
willingness  to  die  for  her. 

Oh,  loyal  American,  if  I  could  have  carried  you  with  me  to 
Russia,  loyal  American  not  only  in  New  York  but  loyal 
American  anywhere  in  this  country,  it  would  not  be  necessary 
to  say  a  word  to  you  in  behalf  of  democracy  in  Russia.    I 


ADDRESSES  OF  CHARLES  E.  RUSSELL         151 

would  have  shown  you  there  this  people,  suddenly  clothed 
with  opportunity  and  duty,  rising  to  it  steadily,  the  great 
heart  of  Russia  set  on  fire  with  hope  and  faith,  and  lighting 
with  the  creed  of  democracy,  struggling  on  in  the  face  of 
every  possible  discouragement,  and  still  struggling  on.  I 
would  have  taken  you  to  the  greatest  legislative  body  in  the 
world,  this  National  Council  of  workingmen,  soldiers  and 
peasants  delegates,  and  I  would  have  shown  you  there  men 
whose  hands  were  still  hard  from  the  plough-handle,  men 
who  came  right  out  of  the  factory,  workingmen,  sitting  in 
this  legislative  body  and  carrying  on  the  unaccustomed  busi- 
ness of  a  great  nation  with  certainty,  with  foresight,  with 
deliberation,  with  firmness  and  devotion  to  a  common  cause. 
It  would  have  set  you  on  fire. 

Disloyal  American,  disloyal  American  that  disgraces  the 
Congress  of  the  United  States,  traitor  in  disguise  that  has 
taken  the  oath  of  allegiance  and  goes  to  the  Senate  of 
the  United  States  to  do  the  dirty  work  of  the  Kaiser,  oh, 
could  I  have  taken  you  by  the  throat,  and  dragged  you  to 
Petrograd  to  put  you  up  there  in  the  Field  of  Mars  on  a 
Sunday  afternoon  and  let  you  see  the  results  of  your  work! 
For  then  you  would  have  seen  these  miserable,  fawning, 
slimy  creatures  that  take  the  dirty  money  of  Germany,  some 
of  them  —  shamed  I  am  to  tell  you  of  it,  some  of  them  with 
American  passports  in  their  pockets.  You  would  have  seen 
them  going  from  crowd  to  crowd  upon  that  field  and  repeat- 
ing your  words  of  treason,  quoting  you,  quoting  what  you 
say  in  the  Senate  of  the  United  States;  when  you  introduce 
a  resolution  demanding  that  the  Allies  shall  state  their  terms, 
within  three  weeks  those  words  will  be  repeated  by  the  agents 
of  Germany,  When  you  introduce  a  resolution  in  Congress 
looking  towards  a  peace  conference,  within  three  weeks  those 
words  will  be  repeated  upon  the  Field  of  Mars,  and  they  will 
be  quoted  in  this  way. 


152  MISSION  TO  RUSSIA 

These  agents  will  say,  "  We  have  always  told  you  that  the 
people  of  the  United  States  were  not  in  this  war;  we  have 
always  assured  you  that  this  war  was  made  by  the  Govern- 
ment of  the  United  States,  but  not  by  the  people;  we  have 
always  told  you  that  the  Government  of  the  United  States  is 
merely  a  government  of  capitalists,  that  it  is  merely  a  govern- 
ment of  munition  makers;  that  this  war  was  created  by  the 
American  munition  makers  for  their  protection,  and  here  is 
the  proof.  The  Senator  of  the  United  States  has  said  this  in 
the  Senate,  he  has  appealed  for  peace;  he  has  declared  he 
represents  the  people  of  the  United  States ;  it  is  the  voice  of 
the  people,  then,  not  alone  the  voice  of  the  Senator." 

That,  disloyal  Senator,  is  the  result  of  your  work,  and 
every  word  that  you  utter  in  the  Senate  of  the  United  States 
in  behalf  of  peace  or  in  behalf  of  treason,  every  one  of  them, 
is  a  poisoned  dagger  plunged  toward  the  heart  of  your 
country.  It  is  terrible  work,  traitor,  that  you  are  doing,  for 
upon  your  work  hangs  the  possibility  of  the  loss  of  a  million 
American  lives,  and  twenty  billion  dollars  of  American 
money. 

Why  do  I  say  that  ^  For  this  reason.  In  existing  con- 
dition of  things  in  this  war,  the  hope  of  democracy,  the  life 
of  freedom,  is  hanging  today  upon  that  Russian  line.  You 
must  understand  that  the  free  Russian,  the  Russian  of  the 
revolution,  the  Russian  that  has  suddenly  come  upon  democ- 
racy, is  a  man  of  great  idealism.  He  is  an  altruist.  He  has 
imbibed  fine,  lofty,  noble  thoughts  and  aspirations  about 
universal  brotherhood,  the  union  of  all  nations,  the  abolition 
of  war,  and  the  millenium.  Russia,  of  course,  is  weary  of 
the  war,  and  if  Russia  should  be  made  to  think  that  the 
United  States  was  not  sincere,  that  it  was  not  in  earnest,  and 
that  it  did  not  really  mean  to  fight,  that  it  was  in  this  war 
only  to  get  out  of  it  as  soon  as  it  can,  then  the  strength 
and  courage  and  devotion  of  that  thin  Russian  line  might 


ADDRESSES  OF  CHARLES  E.  RUSSELL         153 

waver,  then  there  might  come  a  German  irruption  through 
that  line,  then  Russia  might  be  cut  into  bits  and  ehminated 
from  this  war,  and  then  those  of  you  that  know  the  actual 
conditions  of  the  rest  of  the  Allies  today  must  have  a  clear 
belief  and  understanding  in  your  minds  of  what  that  would 
mean  to  the  United  States.  We  should  be  left  alone,  prac- 
tically speaking,  to  carry  this  whole  burden. 

So,  then,  nothing  is  so  dreadful,  nothing  is  so  appalling 
as  to  see  a  man  that  calls  himself  an  American  arising  in 
the  Congress  of  the  United  States  to  preach  this  most  poison- 
ous and  perilous  doctrine  of  disunion  at  this  time.  Instead 
of  any  such  thought  as  that,  instead  of  even  the  alluring  term 
of  peace,  when  there  can  be  no  peace,  instead  of  any  doc- 
trine of  holding,  of  hesitation,  what  is  required  now  abso- 
lutely for  the  safety  of  the  nation  and  for  the  safety  of 
democracy,  and  the  safety  of  the  liberty  of  the  world,  is 
absolute  union,  absolute  standing  together,  and  absolute 
spirit  of  sacrifice  to  the  last  drop  of  blood  if  that  is  neces- 
sary, absolute  everything  we  have. 

And  oh,  American,  American,  she  is  worth  it.  She  is 
worth  it,  there  is  not  a  doubt  about  it.  The  Republic  is 
worth  it  all;  the  country  is  worth  it  all.  Oh,  not  merely 
because  it  is  ours,  not  merely  because  that  is  my  flag  —  not 
only  that.  But  it  is  what  this  country  stands  for  in  this  most 
tremendous,  critical  moment  of  human  history;  what  it 
stands  for,  that  is  it.  It  is  the  idea,  it  is  the  ideal  of  the 
Republic.  Everything  that  we  have  under  that  flag  has  been 
purchased  by  drops  of  blood;  every  foot  of  the  path  of  the 
Republic  has  been  stained  with  blood  and  tears,  every  one. 
We  have  inherited  this  magnificent  thing  only  because  of 
the  willing  sacrifice  of  those  who  have  gone  before  us,  and 
now  the  proposition  is  that  we  shall  calmly  take  all  that 
magnificent  heritage  as  ours,   and    be    unwilling  to  make 


154  MISSION  TO  RUSSIA 

one  sacrifice  in  our  turn.  A  dreadful  and  dastardly  doc- 
trine, which  never  should  be  uttered  in  free  America.  I 
would  like  to  take  the  recreant  American  that  hesitates 
now,  that  falters,  that  weighs,  that  stops  to  consider  that  he 
is  afraid;  I  would  like  to  take  him  and  put  him  face  to  face 
with  France.  I  would  say,  *'  If  you  can  contemplate  France, 
France  that  has  lost  1,200,000  of  her  sons  killed  on  the  firing 
line,  France  who  sees  as  many  more  of  her  sons  crippled  for 
life,  France  where  four  women  of  every  five  go  dressed  in 
deepest  mourning,  France  that  has  become  the  place  of 
tears,  France  that  has  lost  so  much  and  still  goes  on,  always 
goes  on,  always  ready  to  fight,  never  daunted  in  her  courage, 
in  her  spirit,  still  with  her  face  turned  towards  the  stars, 
and  she  fights  on;  if  you  can  hear  the  very  name  of  France 
and  not  fall  to  the  earth  covered  with  shame,  you  have  not 
one  human  sensibility." 

And  so,  members  of  the  Union  League  Club,  no  one  can 
preach  loyalty  or  patriotism  to  you;  but  bear  in  mind  this, 
that  you  do  have  a  voice  that  is  heard  throughout  the  nation ; 
that  you  do  have  influence;  that  it  is  in  your  power  to  affect 
the  situation;  that  you  can  do  something  to  wake  this  nation. 
We  do  not  yet  understand,  we  do  not  feel,  we  do  not  see  as 
a  nation,  we  do  not  yet  perceive  that  God  has  given  to  us 
this  task.  He  has  laid  upon  us  this  most  solemn  duty,  that 
with  all  of  the  strength  he  has  given  us,  with  all  of  the  wealth 
with  which  he  has  endowed  us,  with  all  of  the  intelligence 
and  all  of  the  might  and  all  of  the  gathered  manhood  of  this 
country,  we  should  go  straight  to  the  goal,  and  pay  the  price, 
whatever  that  may  be.  For  the  Republic,  the  Republic  of 
the  United  States  of  America,  is  not  a  geographical  expres- 
sion, it  is  not  a  place  upon  a  map,  it  is  not  certain  marks  on 
the  atlas,  it  is  an  ideal,  it  is  faith,  it  is  a  living  creed,  it  means 
to  the  world  all  the  difference  between  light  and  infinite 
darkness,  between  hope  and  despair,  between  life  and  death. 


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